Then which way should be followed?

Confrontation results from the need of a greater struggle. The continuing weakness of some parts within the revolutionary movement is that rather than seeking a way to respond the emergent need of a greater struggle, the need to unite peoples' forces, they keep on being stuck in dogmatic thoughts, that is, the formations of ideas outside the living world. Failing to understand that confronts can take unique forms in different countries and political periods, not moving from the confrontation goal but only being busy with its forms or expecting exactly the same conditions that have emerged at some time, these are all reflecting the lack of a theoretical comprehension and ideological shortness. Detachment from real life in terms of approaches to the struggle and organization forms, as well as to the confronts as an organization form, leads to a failure in surpassing the dogmatism over. Passing through various experiences, the combatant sections of the laboring left of Turkey and North Kurdistan now have reached unique forms of confrontation. Now we can talk about a gained level in terms of having two separate confronts completing each other: one of which gathers the large masses based on legal and virtual-legitimate struggle and other one which concentrates much more on illegal and military forms of underground struggle.

To develop the struggle, first of all, the leadership and main cadre frames of the parties and organizations which practice the politics of confrontation must be vanguard and determined. Secondly, we need to improve the culture, spirit and perspective of confrontation among the laboring left masses. If this improvement will be reciprocated by being determined in fighting against the backwardness and considering the same awareness in all of our educational work in one sense, the other and more important aspect of it would definitely be the actual successes of the confronts in struggle. As a matter of fact, with the success of the legal and virtual-legitimate struggle field confront achieved in 7th of July*, we have seen the change among the masses in terms of their culture, desire and feeling about confrontation. The practical successes of both 'above' and 'under' ground confronts will accelerate the realignment and transformation processes.

(*Translator's note: the 7th of July 2015 general elections which HDP got approximately 6 millions votes in total)

“Realigning between the state and peoples, the poor and the rich must be organized"

From the angle of your political strategy, “The path that will lead to the anti-imperialist democratic revolution and the victory of this revolution can pass directly through open class-related and political contradictions like the bourgeoisie-proletariat, state-people etc., besides from these, it can also pass through a series of reactionary civil war or civil wars rising over concrete antagonisms such as Turkish-Kurdish, Sunni-Alevite, secular-sharia follower which can be provoked and organized by fascist dictatorship”, what does this intriguing diagnosis mean when you consider together with July 15th and the developments afterwards?

While we were building a revolution strategy in Turkey and Kurdistan, while searching for a unique direction of the revolution, the cases were not only the natural contradictions like proletariat-bourgeoisie or big landowners-poor peasants, or the state-people contradiction which can be encountered in every country, but also there were the democratic and revolutionary dynamics directly within the political freedom struggle as well. Kurdish people, for example, or the Alevites, national communities... The laboring officers are also life that under their specific conditions in particular periods. Or apart from all these, women, as a major vein. There have been these facts. We have faced a state which has been suppressing the demands of all these dynamics. There was a male state structure defining itself as Turkish and Sunni and declaring that it won't recognize any other language, belief or national identity. Practice of revolutionary struggle and the democratic struggle of the masses relying on decades resulted in these forces to stage in history as dynamics and to impose their demands and identities more strongly. There were the counter-dynamics as well and the state tried to transform these counter-dynamics into its own power, an opportunity to defeat the struggle of the masses. We have put them as antagonisms which cover the main body of the society, such as Alevite-Sunni, Turkish-Kurdish or secular-sharia follower.

Essentially, these are the advantages of the counter-revolution brought up by managing these conflicts and contradictions on a reactionary basis. The whole idea of our Party's suggestion was this: by driving the democratic content forward, this situation can contrarily be turned into forces for the revolution. That is to ruin the plans of the dictatorship completely by organizing these democratic dynamics to put themselves forward rather than putting the contradictions ahead by democratizing and revolutionizing the dynamics which were transformed by the state to be its own forces, such as the democratic content of secular or Sunni or Turkish dynamics. This has been our perspective. However, the state had always been in a counter- revolutionary position, created a ground in which peoples and laborers strangled each other, which the ones in power with their Turkish, Sunni or secular identity mistakenly think themselves as masters to others, and thus support the actual master, the fascist dictatorship, denialist colonialism. Our party was drawing the attention to this point. And it was saying that the state is going to organize civil wars on this basis so it is necessary to be well prepared for these civil wars and as much as mobilizing the democratic dynamics for this sake, it is also very crucial to lead workers and laborers, which gather around the sovereign dynamic, towards a right attitude by organizing the realignment along not Turkish-Kurdish contradiction,but along the struggle between sovereigns-peoples, not Alevite-Sunni conflict but along fascist-antifascist struggle, not secular-sharia follower separation and fight but along the state-people and rich-poor.

Then, along with July 15th and the developments afterwards, what did the restoration process of the fascist regime confirm with regard to your political strategy, what did it signify?

The society is still same and where it was, society's dynamics remain same, the forces of revolution and counterrevolution are also keep their positions, therefore these contradictions keep existing. But, as a result of the class struggle, what is happening today is this: the ruling ideology of yesterday was the one which identifies itself as secular and gathers around the kemalist ideology and there was a large masses of people which are either politic-islamist, or under a strong influence of religiosity, see secularism and religiosity as incompatible or react to countless formal oppressions in the name secularism. Politic-islamists succeeded in accumulating the tendencies, feelings, and longings of these large masses of people around themselves, and this time the politic-islamist ideology, its lifestyle and in this way, its political strategy to become sovereign became dominant over the situation. Now, the ones who want to protect their positions are those who advocate the secular lifestyle, against the domination of religiosity and political Islam over everyday life. This time, the sides have switched. But all the other contradictions continue. Therefore, we have seen that our analysis of Kurdish and Turkish society, our strategy based on the diagnosis of the unique antagonisms of Turkey and Kurdistan apart from the basic class contradictions and our tactics that are related with those turn out to be on the mark. The political strategies and tactics assuming the problems regarding fascist dictatorship or the monist state structure could be overcome through negotiations and compromises, have failed.

Under these new balances, what are the possible forms of realignment for the Alevites, for those who are sensitive about secularism and for the worker and the laborer masses under the influence of the politic-islamists? And how will your party intervene to this?

Today, what should be done is to be careful about the defeated kemalist ideology line forces' and institutions' tendencies to use those whom are against the politic-islamists and religious transformation of life, or by their words, “the religionists- secularists” antagonism's on a reactionary basis again. Certainly, large masses will appeal to the transformation of life into a politic-islamist way. These are the ones who identify themselves as secular. Their struggle can be transformed into a struggle against fascism, the politic-islamist fascist dictatorship and palace junta. But if this is done with an ambition to have alliances with secularists, with CHP or other secularists, then the idea of sovereignty will be reproduced. It is necessary to hold this issue from the viewpoint of working class and the oppressed, from the peoples. One dimension of this issue is, yes, the religion is the heart of the heartless world, this fact will be taken into consideration and thus a distinction will be made here with the bourgeois secularists. On the other hand, the sovereigns, whether they are kemalist secularists or politic-islamists, have tried to make religion the opium of the people and they maintain the same policy. Of course, an effective struggle against them will also be carried out. This is something that can only be accomplished by deepening and improving the alignment between oppressor and oppressed, exploiter and exploited, poor-rich, state-people oppositions. The separation should be put forward through these forms: "are you siding with the destruction of nature or against to it?”, “are you siding with strike and struggle, and at the side to get your rights or not? ”, “are you on the side of student rights, autonomous-democratic university, a free scientific education in mother tongue, or against those?” “are you siding with justice or are you against it?” “are you on the side of the oppressor or the oppressed, of the rich or poor”... we have to put the distinctions from these points and make the working class and the oppressed be sided against the politic-islamist fascist dictatorship, against the collaborative monopoly capitalism, against all the consequences of imperialist globalization.

What are your expectations from HBDH (Peoples' United Revolution Movement), which you have described as one of the channels of confrontation? What is the possible direction of HBDH to progress and what are the opportunities and the problems? From the fact that every organization gains its self-existence right and enhances by solving some of the problems of the masses' struggle, what kind of problems of the struggle of working class and the oppressed in Turkey and Kurdistan would HBDH solve and enhance?

The Peoples' United Revolution Movement is an organization which has to take on responsibilities and duties of the defense and surge of the oppressed in the struggle between our peoples and the politic-islamist fascist dictatorship and denialist colonialism by using free means that are not restricted by law. The dictatorship has its army, police, semi-military civilian forces, informers and these are all fighting against our peoples in order to protect and maintain the sovereignty of the bourgeoisie by every means they have. The Peoples' United Revolution Movement exists to pave the way of our peoples' struggle against these forces, to strengthen the unity of our peoples, to break the feeling of despair and raise the motivation. It will gain its existence right as long as it achieves these in a political manner. And that's why it has a wide struggle front ahead. Wherever the colonialist fascist enemies of our peoples try to suppress the masses and to destroy their vanguards through military and any forms of cruelty, either in the cities or in the countrysides, there is the need for The Peoples' United Revolution Movement as a force to stop this. Thus, if it is considered as a legitimate peaceful leading organization that should carry out unarmed struggle or for the virtual-legitimate struggle, or if the stick is tilted toward this side, then of course it would be a huge mistake. A very large number of masses also can fight in the ranks of HBDH. It can mobilize thousands, tens of thousands of people through militias in political struggle just as it can do it with urban or rural guerrillas. There are no obstacles for these to happen. If this is the case that HBDH is not successful in doing so, then the reason behind it would be about the limitations of its component forces. The problem is not in the organizational form itself as an underground front that is supposed to embrace and mobilize the masses, that is to say, the its inappropriateness for this issue. On the contrary, it is well appropriate.

What directions and which forms and perspectives should HBDH follow in order to meet with the masses?

The basic condition for HBDH's actions to resonate with large masses is turning its face towards the masses. A struggle having no touch with the problems, aspirations and demands of working class, Kurdish people, women, young people, the poor, the unemployed, the Alevites and national communities cannot turn HBDH into a center of attraction. But, on the other hand, if it acts with a political vanguard style based on the wishes, problems and aspirations of the working class and the oppressed, then the usage of military forms, the forms based on the revolutionary violence will create a great influence. Those of committing mass massacres, spilling the blood of workers, peasants, women and young whom have been carrying out a legitimate, peaceful or the actual-legitimate struggle; those criminals of violence against women or the sexual abuse of children, those who dismiss our academicians and many other progressive teachers whom are demanding peace, those signatories of various cruelties in prisons and countless fascist decisions in courts, those informers, etc... they are all in the desire and direction to form a civil fascist organization of the fascist dictatorship against our peoples. For this reason, we can expect The Peoples' United Revolution Movement to grow and make important contributions to the freedom struggle on its own ground.

Lastly, let us ask what are the reasons to be hopeful about the progress of the struggle in the upcoming year.

The politic-islamist fascist dictatorship is now facing with new contradictions surrounding it at Turkey-Kurdistan level and at the regional level. We can see easily how it fails to manage itself also by the developments happening in these last months. They demonstrate this fact that they are unable to manage the situation with what they call as the parliamentary system anymore, through their attempts of ruling only with the orders of Tayyip Erdoğan, of the fascist palace junta, under the name of statutory decrees which is actually by-passing the existing bourgeois parliament without any need to go for a constitutional amendment. Perhaps, the capital seizure which has been applied only to the national minorities in the history of the Turkish bourgeoisie is now happening in the inside-fight quite widely and openly. The violence in the counter-revolution's inside- fight is in its highest level of at least the last 50-60 years. And most importantly, the plan of "crush and dissolve” has failed. This plan, which was indexed to achieve a result within a certain period, could not go beyond anything apart from the fermentation of new upheavals and the flow of events between the two sides, between our peoples and the fascist dictatorship and denialist colonialism, began to enter into a violent battle line. They have failed to get what they expected and the factors for their defeat are getting more and more accumulated.

It's a transition period. In this transitional period, it is likely that the ruling powers will be dragged into the new conflicts, but more importantly, since unmanageability crisis will intensify by fusing with the structural crisis, the conditions will accumulate faster for them to get surrounded by social upheavals in which they find themselves without any control, only as a desperate spectator right in the center of major social earthquakes. The sovereign powers do not have a reality in a direction of convincing and calming the people down by responding their problems, demands and aspirations and thus they cannot dissolve the accumulated energy against them. On the contrary, there is a wide range of a dynamic against them which makes them worried about a possible rebel that might outburst anywhere, anytime. In a way, they are walking on a mine-field. Despite all their advantages, the truth is this. The explosive substances are accumulated in the heart of society very commonly, and they can set in motion even by a very ordinary cause. Examples to this might be trees being cut in the Gezi Park, or as we saw a young man firing his body in Tunisia. And just like how these examples have triggered huge insurrections by inflaming sudden burst of the explosives accumulated in the heart of society, this is exactly the case in Turkey and Kurdistan. Despite all its military superiority, the fascist dictatorship, denialist colonialism is not stronger in Turkey, Northern Kurdistan, Rojava and South Kurdistan. This is one aspect of the truth, for to be hopeful.

Secondly, in spite of all these coup conditions, both the united front of legal, peaceful and actual-legitimate struggle field protects its existence as it has the necessary ground for greater leaps, and the other united front that presents itself with revolutionary violence, illegal and military forms of the struggle has the ground to organize and enhance itself. Likewise, those who tend to struggle within the working class and the oppressed will be less likely to dissipate their energy and will tend to mobilize their energies in a way to achieve an actual result. They will gather around the fighting forces more, which make politics with various means and forms of struggle, and they will be willing to struggle around the united fronts whose body is mainly formed by these fighting forces. The fascist junta failed to break the will-power of struggle for the political mass demands. It failed to construct a sovereignty that feed the defeat psychology and despair. The millions in the laboring left ranks did not lose their desire to mobilize, to revenge and to gain freedom. They have taken a step back. They have positioned in a place where they can look for the conditions to take the stage again. The dictatorship is moving with a purpose of not letting this step-back to be a ground for a leap with an effort to transform it into a dissolving base. For this reason, it is trying to organize and epidemically spread the idea and the feeling that the supremacy of military power cannot be defeated and the fascist state terror can last forever. In this direction, it is carrying out an unbridled fascist psychological war. However, under the conditions where there are vanguard parties and united frontiers of our peoples, they do not have the same opportunity to get a result like 12th September. The dictator and his fascist palace junta will face with brand new problems of so many different economical, financial and regional developments, adding on new factors of contradictions between the masses; this should be considered among the dynamics of this period.

We are entering 2017 under all these realities and we carry a strong, resilient hope fed by real life. Of course, it would be utterly irrational to wait for the dynamics in the political struggle to spontaneously activate and achieve a result by itself, or to expect results against the enemy only by observing its desperation and dead-ends. The condition of success can be delivered by organizing the revolutionary and democratic dynamics of the society, by disseminating and practicing confrontation and by having the vanguards fulfilling their revolutionary, antifascist, anticolonialist, anticapitalist duties.

As a last word, I would like to emphasize that the hope is together with us. Here is the vanguard's determination of revolutionary will; its love, faith, trust, dedication and spirit of sacrifice for the working class and the oppressed. Here are the desire and demand of our peoples for freedom, justice, and a n honorable life which manifest themselves in various forms. Here is the surge of confrontation which proves the survival ability of laboring left. Here are the regional revolutionary developments. And here are the conditions linked with the unmanageability crisis that drag the sovereign forces into an armed inside- struggle, and indications of the economical crisis that carry the potential to explode the bridges between the masses and itself under the threat of the fascist political- islamist palace junta. Our revolutionary optimism is the product of this soil, these facts. We will succeed. To our immortals, to the working class and the oppressed whose right to have an honorable life and freedom has been forbidden, who have been prisoned to cruelty, poverty and a miserable life with pain, this is our promise!