In 2013 after the USA central bank decided to stop the loose money policy, which it developed to reduce the effects of 2008 financial crisis, and instead called back the financial capital back to the country by cutting off the dollar outflow, the capital accumulation model applied by financial-economical colonies like Turkey experienced a bottleneck. Since 2013, this crisis threat towards Turkey's economy has somehow been avoided due to different political processes* which came by as distractions or its effects could be hidden.
However, when we came to 2018, the foreign debt of Turkey has reached over 418 billion US dollars, 70 percent of this debt belongs to private sector and one third of it has to be paid back in 6 months. Triggered by the political tension with USA, the economy which depends on foreign finance firstly experienced a foreign currency crisis. {divide} The prices of US dollar and Euro increased more than 50% in less than two months. With the increase of the price of foreign currency, the foreign debt also doubled and the crisis became a debt crisis. The second effect of this sudden increase was on the inflation rate. It went up fast due to high dependence of export in production. The inflation rate for production index reached 46% in September, while the inflation rate for consumer index reached 25%. Harsh economical measures applied by the fascist dictatorship without caring about any rules were not enough to stop this currency and debt crisis. Interest rates of banks increased compulsorily despite Erdoğan's insistent opposition, but this only gives the economy a moment of breath. It couldn't drop the currency prices and couldn't prevent the bankruptcies and general economic recession. Since the summer period, right now, tens of thousands of companies applied for the postponement of their debt, which means actually they went bankrupt. With the closure of companies, unemployment is also increasing and the inflation rate is still pushing up over 21%.
Fascist chief Erdoğan had given the spokesperson responsibility to his son-in-law earlier. The economical prescription applied by the son-in-law is based on making the bill of the crisis paid by the working class and the oppressed. Turkey's big bourgeoisie which depends on imperialism and is embodied in TÜSİAD** is in need of this suppression and rights liquidation policy of Erdoğan fascism, so they support the political power's indirect IMF programme. Of course, as Erdoğan was taking full control of the fascist dictatorship, Turkey's economic growth, which he especially fed on, was based on construction, white household devices, mediator commodity production and most importantly the financial sector. Although some components of TÜSİAD have investments in these sectors too, Erdoğan has been trying to create a new Anatolian bourgeoisie depending on these sectors to compete, which in turn, was not successful in competition as expected. But his first choice to save from the economic crisis is this crony capitalists.
With the last growth numbers***, it is clear that the economy is in recession, which actually seems that it will spread over a long period of time since the foreign capital still sees Turkey a profitable place due to high interest rates. The bourgeoisie and Erdoğan, which are both aware of that there is no solution within the system, seek an easy way for minimum damage by flowing the public funds into these important sectors to pay the debts of companies. So, public resources are being looted, people lose their social securities, experience the effects of ecological devastation and liquidation of public services.
Communists of Turkey and Kurdistan take their place in every corner of the worker's movement and move the movement forward also through trade unions, to integrate with the class, to equip it with leadership qualities in the revolutionary struggle. In these days when occupation threats to Rojava become more solid, with the weakened ideological hegemony of the fascist dictatorship, communists fight for directing all the anger of the oppressed masses towards fascism.

*In June 2013, the Gezi uprising took place after which the state started to suppress all the demands, including economical ones basically through physical violence. And afterwards, a crisis and separation from Gulenist movement took place. Then the Kobanê resistance and June 7th elections, Self-Governance resistance in North Kurdistan developed. All of these and more lead the AKP to consolidate their mass basis with nationalist, chauvinist, racist winds. But, of course, the international situation in economy, the ongoing 2008 crisis also gave AKP a space to maneuver between imperialist contradictions.
**TÜSİAD: Turkey Industrialist Businessman Association
***According to the numbers of TÜIK (Turkey Statistics Institute), construction, industry and finance sectors are already in recession. When the numbers are refined from the seasonal effects, the whole economy narrowed 1.7%.