Let's Unite the Struggle against the Capital and Imperialist Barbarity
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Because the problems have not changed, the agenda of the social forums also remained the same. As it happened in previous years, this year's European Social Forum is again dealing with the question of war and peace, "globalisation", poverty, unemployment, EU, the future of social movements, racism and etc. The question of "another Europe" is, indeed, analyzed or will be analyzed in accordance with different ideologies of all currents.

 

What determines the perspective is the outlook. Everyone will put forward proposals for the solution. But all those proposals will be made in accordance with their class and ideological approach and understanding. Every class, therefore, will talk about their own understandings on every question which will be dealt during this process. This is why the antagonist attitudes of ideologies and social classes on the main understandings will come to the fore within this year's European Social Forum, as it happened during the last three forums. But this would never mean that we do/will not have common points on the problems which we are dealing with, or it is not possible to create common platforms on every subject that has got continuity and to wage a struggle in accordance with the fixed principles.

 

There shouldn't be any obstacle before all the progressive, revolutionary and communist forces to act together against the neo-liberal attacks all over the world, against the war and occupation threats of imperialists, against existing occupations; in the fight against militarism which is being developed very carefully as a whole; in the fight for democracy and freedom in general.

 

Although it is carried out in different dimensions and forms in each countries, the world bourgeoisie, which serves to the international monopolies, is capturing via neo-liberal attacks the rights that are gained through hard struggles by the working class and labourer masses; is reorganising the system of pension, health, education, working conditions, the conditions of association and freedom of speech in accordance with its self interests.

 

The main imperialist countries are in a tough rivalry in order to get the biggest share in the world markets or to widen their shares, to achieve strong positions in the struggle for world hegemony among themselves. In order to control the resources of raw materials, the energy transportation lines and to keep away their rivals from these areas, the prominent imperialist countries are occupying the regions having these characteristics and threatening the countries who are not acting in accordance with their interests with war and occupation. Some countries' attitudes as if they are against the war, do not change anything in the essence of the matter. For example the attitudes of EU's prominent countries -such as Germany and France- as if they are against the American imperialism's war on Iraq and the occupation of this country, do not mean that these countries are against the war or are on the side of peace. The EU, however, is engaged with forming its own army and the German and French armies are represented in every part of the world.

 

The reactionary characteristics of the EU Constitution which spouse to form legal basis for institutionalisation of monopolies' EU, is very clear. The rejection of the constitution by the French and Dutch people has frightened the imperialist forces who want to become EU. This initiative has almost died for now because of the fears that their constitution might be rejected also in other EU countries.

 

The EU is also developing its militarism. Under the leadership of Germany and France, EU is feverishly trying to form an EU army. If EU is a peaceful integration, why is it feeling a need for an Army? Those who think that the EU is not on the side of war should think about this question or on the EU phenomenon to form its army.

 

The EU is trying to turn its borders into a "fortress" that cannot be climbed by people coming from other countries. It is the "fortress Europe" that closes its doors and, as seen in the case of Moroccans in recent months, sends those who are forcing its borders by leaving their homelands because of hunger, war, poverty and national oppression back to their countries. This Europe is a Europe that instigates racism, discrimination and reactionary, and introduces laws considering the situation.

 

Okay! We do not want this, existing Europe. All components of the ESF are sharing the same point of view on this subject. Our alternatives on what sort of Europe do we want are also not assorted. Some demand another Europe with the concept of "our Europe". Some directly raise the demand of "another Europe". Most of us say that "another Europe is possible". The common point of all these demands, independently from what they really mean, is the rejection of existing Europe, existing EU and is a Europe or EU that forwards upon the rules of democracy. But one of the main points that should not be forgotten is the "another Europe" cannot be the Europe or EU of "social state". "Social state" has already become history.

 

"Another Europe", "another EU" or "another world" can only be realised through struggle against the exploitation, plunder, imperialist wars and occupation of other countries. "Another Europe", "another EU" and "another world" can only be possible on the basis of socialism. Therefore the socialist Europe, socialist world is the only alternative of today's Europe, EU and the world.

 

Socialism, gradually the communism, is the future of mankind. Socialism is the only alternative. In order to realise this, the working class and labouring masses should not imprison their struggles into the national borders. The political organisations of the working class must coordinate their struggle within the national borders on regional and international level; they must struggle against the imperialist bourgeoisie's neo-liberal attacks, exploitation, threat, war and repression by getting organised internationally.

 

Moreover, the communist and revolutionary, anti-imperialist and progressive forces who came together in the ESF are face to face with a task to unite their struggle against the reactionary, racism, imperialist aggression and domination, and turn it into a constant struggle within certain frames. Realisation of this, before anything else, would mean to struggle against the reformist and pacifist forces that are in dominant positions in the forums.

 

The ESF should also consider as one of its principle tasks the struggle for the demands of political movements fighting against the imperialist globalisation and neo-liberal attacks. ESF must take side with the working class, labouring masses, youth and immigrants in the countries such as Germany, France, Britain and etc., and consider their struggle against the monopolist capital as its own struggle.

 

Against the imperialist war, occupation and aggression, the ESF must be on the side of peoples and oppressed nations; it should support the Iraqi resistance, the Palestinian people's fight against Zionism; it should raise its voice during the incidents such as the kidnapping of Ahmed Saadat, leader of PFLP (People's Front for the Liberation of Palestine).

 

The ESF should strongly condemn the attacks, the concept of annihilation against the national liberation fight of the Kurdish nation and, in general, the revolutionary struggle by the colonialist fascist dictatorship in Turkey.

 

It is pleasing to hear demands that are, in some degree, stronger and that have clear political content than previous three forums (Florence, Paris and London) and the announcement of a certain will-power on realisation of them: It is good to "struggle for another Europe" together with trade-unions and political left; to mention "another Europe is possible"; to emphasize, even in verbal, "commitment to destroy the unemployment and unsecured working conditions"; to talk about "struggle against social exclusion"; to demand "a new model of production, distribution and consume"; "being on the side of a world without wars", and although formulated differently, all these are the demands put forward by all components of the ESF.

 

"Yes, we can change the Europe". Not only Europe, we can also change the whole world. The political organisations of the working class must have opportunities also in ESF's environment to express their point of views on how to realise that. We can neither change the Europe nor the world by saying "yes" to social movements, but "no" to political parties.

 

The only alternative is Socialism!

 

 

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Let's Unite the Struggle against the Capital and Imperialist Barbarity
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Because the problems have not changed, the agenda of the social forums also remained the same. As it happened in previous years, this year's European Social Forum is again dealing with the question of war and peace, "globalisation", poverty, unemployment, EU, the future of social movements, racism and etc. The question of "another Europe" is, indeed, analyzed or will be analyzed in accordance with different ideologies of all currents.

 

What determines the perspective is the outlook. Everyone will put forward proposals for the solution. But all those proposals will be made in accordance with their class and ideological approach and understanding. Every class, therefore, will talk about their own understandings on every question which will be dealt during this process. This is why the antagonist attitudes of ideologies and social classes on the main understandings will come to the fore within this year's European Social Forum, as it happened during the last three forums. But this would never mean that we do/will not have common points on the problems which we are dealing with, or it is not possible to create common platforms on every subject that has got continuity and to wage a struggle in accordance with the fixed principles.

 

There shouldn't be any obstacle before all the progressive, revolutionary and communist forces to act together against the neo-liberal attacks all over the world, against the war and occupation threats of imperialists, against existing occupations; in the fight against militarism which is being developed very carefully as a whole; in the fight for democracy and freedom in general.

 

Although it is carried out in different dimensions and forms in each countries, the world bourgeoisie, which serves to the international monopolies, is capturing via neo-liberal attacks the rights that are gained through hard struggles by the working class and labourer masses; is reorganising the system of pension, health, education, working conditions, the conditions of association and freedom of speech in accordance with its self interests.

 

The main imperialist countries are in a tough rivalry in order to get the biggest share in the world markets or to widen their shares, to achieve strong positions in the struggle for world hegemony among themselves. In order to control the resources of raw materials, the energy transportation lines and to keep away their rivals from these areas, the prominent imperialist countries are occupying the regions having these characteristics and threatening the countries who are not acting in accordance with their interests with war and occupation. Some countries' attitudes as if they are against the war, do not change anything in the essence of the matter. For example the attitudes of EU's prominent countries -such as Germany and France- as if they are against the American imperialism's war on Iraq and the occupation of this country, do not mean that these countries are against the war or are on the side of peace. The EU, however, is engaged with forming its own army and the German and French armies are represented in every part of the world.

 

The reactionary characteristics of the EU Constitution which spouse to form legal basis for institutionalisation of monopolies' EU, is very clear. The rejection of the constitution by the French and Dutch people has frightened the imperialist forces who want to become EU. This initiative has almost died for now because of the fears that their constitution might be rejected also in other EU countries.

 

The EU is also developing its militarism. Under the leadership of Germany and France, EU is feverishly trying to form an EU army. If EU is a peaceful integration, why is it feeling a need for an Army? Those who think that the EU is not on the side of war should think about this question or on the EU phenomenon to form its army.

 

The EU is trying to turn its borders into a "fortress" that cannot be climbed by people coming from other countries. It is the "fortress Europe" that closes its doors and, as seen in the case of Moroccans in recent months, sends those who are forcing its borders by leaving their homelands because of hunger, war, poverty and national oppression back to their countries. This Europe is a Europe that instigates racism, discrimination and reactionary, and introduces laws considering the situation.

 

Okay! We do not want this, existing Europe. All components of the ESF are sharing the same point of view on this subject. Our alternatives on what sort of Europe do we want are also not assorted. Some demand another Europe with the concept of "our Europe". Some directly raise the demand of "another Europe". Most of us say that "another Europe is possible". The common point of all these demands, independently from what they really mean, is the rejection of existing Europe, existing EU and is a Europe or EU that forwards upon the rules of democracy. But one of the main points that should not be forgotten is the "another Europe" cannot be the Europe or EU of "social state". "Social state" has already become history.

 

"Another Europe", "another EU" or "another world" can only be realised through struggle against the exploitation, plunder, imperialist wars and occupation of other countries. "Another Europe", "another EU" and "another world" can only be possible on the basis of socialism. Therefore the socialist Europe, socialist world is the only alternative of today's Europe, EU and the world.

 

Socialism, gradually the communism, is the future of mankind. Socialism is the only alternative. In order to realise this, the working class and labouring masses should not imprison their struggles into the national borders. The political organisations of the working class must coordinate their struggle within the national borders on regional and international level; they must struggle against the imperialist bourgeoisie's neo-liberal attacks, exploitation, threat, war and repression by getting organised internationally.

 

Moreover, the communist and revolutionary, anti-imperialist and progressive forces who came together in the ESF are face to face with a task to unite their struggle against the reactionary, racism, imperialist aggression and domination, and turn it into a constant struggle within certain frames. Realisation of this, before anything else, would mean to struggle against the reformist and pacifist forces that are in dominant positions in the forums.

 

The ESF should also consider as one of its principle tasks the struggle for the demands of political movements fighting against the imperialist globalisation and neo-liberal attacks. ESF must take side with the working class, labouring masses, youth and immigrants in the countries such as Germany, France, Britain and etc., and consider their struggle against the monopolist capital as its own struggle.

 

Against the imperialist war, occupation and aggression, the ESF must be on the side of peoples and oppressed nations; it should support the Iraqi resistance, the Palestinian people's fight against Zionism; it should raise its voice during the incidents such as the kidnapping of Ahmed Saadat, leader of PFLP (People's Front for the Liberation of Palestine).

 

The ESF should strongly condemn the attacks, the concept of annihilation against the national liberation fight of the Kurdish nation and, in general, the revolutionary struggle by the colonialist fascist dictatorship in Turkey.

 

It is pleasing to hear demands that are, in some degree, stronger and that have clear political content than previous three forums (Florence, Paris and London) and the announcement of a certain will-power on realisation of them: It is good to "struggle for another Europe" together with trade-unions and political left; to mention "another Europe is possible"; to emphasize, even in verbal, "commitment to destroy the unemployment and unsecured working conditions"; to talk about "struggle against social exclusion"; to demand "a new model of production, distribution and consume"; "being on the side of a world without wars", and although formulated differently, all these are the demands put forward by all components of the ESF.

 

"Yes, we can change the Europe". Not only Europe, we can also change the whole world. The political organisations of the working class must have opportunities also in ESF's environment to express their point of views on how to realise that. We can neither change the Europe nor the world by saying "yes" to social movements, but "no" to political parties.

 

The only alternative is Socialism!