Speaking French! Teachings of the Struggle against the First Job Contract
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Millions of workers, labourers and youth against the First Job Contract (CPE-Contrat de Premiére Embauche) have occupied the streets all over France. The legislation, which gives the right to the capitalist to sack workers under the age of 26 without compensation and justification in the first two years of their start to work, caused the uprising of France. The protests started by student youth have also supported by their parents, and later they together fight and even clashed with the security forces for the withdrawal of the legislation, the neo-liberal attack of the French bourgeoisie. However, it can not be said that they were unsuccessful in their struggle; because the French monopolist bourgeoisie has had to recheck and redraw the draft by its political representatives president Chirac and prime minister Dominique de Villepin. in 11 April.

According to the statement of CGT, more than 3 million people have shown their anger over the legislation by joining in the 195 demonstrations all over the country during general strike organised on the 4th of April.

About 700 thousand people have marched only in Paris. In Marseille 250 thousand; in Bordeaux 100 thousand; in Toulouse 80 thousand; in Nantes 70 thousand; in Grenoble 60 thousand people marched. About 56 of the 84 universities in whole country were closed down and 1/4 of the high schools joined in the student strikes. 2.7 million people participated in the demonstrations organised one week ago.

The protest movement in France have shown that the power is on the street. Universities and schools were occupied; barricades were set on the streets. Thanks to the pressure of their members, the unions have felt that it is a necessity to join actively in the protests. The brutal attack of the police did not intimidate the demonstrators; on the contrary it stimulated them. It will not be an exaggeration if we say that the spirit of ‘68 was dominant in the demonstrations.

During his meeting with the Prime Minister, Dominique de Villepin, "If this legislation will be withdrawn then we have to say goodbye to the reforms in 10 years time. This will be a bad signal" said a representative of the French monopolist bourgeoisie. Saying "this will be a bad signal" shows how effective the protests were.

This legislation was only a start. The French Union of Employees, MEDEF, demands the implementation of the mentioned legislation for whole workers.

It is very clear that the Government and capitalists have long ago planed to destroy uninterruptedly the social rights and to put in practice the new neo-liberal legislations in order to increase the power of the French economy for rivalry on the international level. But the process did not develop as they desired.

However, as we had seen in the previous mass protests, the current struggle also contained lack of a communist leadership.

The defence of the interests of the working class, labourer masses and the youth, and the contingence of the struggle for economic and democratic rights by turning them into a political struggle is not possible through existing trade unions and "leftist" parties. These are the organisations which are responsible for the struggle bearing spontaneous character. Neither Socialist Party nor the "Communist" Party are capable to turn the struggle that participated by millions into a struggle against the capitalist system. These organisations did not demand the overthrow of the Government as well as the resignation of President Chirac neither in previous actions nor in the current actions. In spite of these demands which were supported by millions, so-called organisations have almost kneeled down before the Villepin and Jacques Chirac, for them to make some cosmetic changes within the legislation. They aimed at blocking the advancement of the massive struggle and to control it through some concessions.

Moreover, in order to prevent the advancement of the student movement, the President of the biggest students' union, UNEF, B. Julliard (member of Socialist Party) said: "We want the actions of the movement to be ended, we want to meet with Prime Minister and discuss". As the trade unions, the student union is also under the influence of Socialist Party and the "Communist" Party.

As it happened in 1968, the French working class, labouring masses and youth have come to face to face with the question of a revolutionary and communist leadership also during the recent nation-wide actions that involved millions. The French Communist Party and the CGT under its influence are the first ones who betrayed the '68 Movement. When student movement had turned into a general strike, the duty of saving the bourgeois system was putted on to the shoulders of the revisionists and trade unions under their influence. These elements, who wanted to control the movement, participated to the struggle professedly. They are playing the same game that they played in the past: They, this time again, participated in the actions in order to control and finish the movement.

The sharpening of the actions could have overthrown the neo-liberal programme that represented by Chirac-Villepin and so the existing government. In such situation, a political crisis would have occurred in France, and political imperceptiveness would have continued for the working class, i.e. there would not be any changes within the spontaneous characteristic of the movement.

The French working class and labouring masses' lack of a revolutionary and communist leadership and their actions' spontaneous character are the most important characteristics brought to the open by the massive actions in France.

The second characteristic brought to the open by actions is the international aspect of the organisation and struggle: The problems that caused the actions are the problems that concern all the working class, labouring masses and the youth of all countries of Europe and the world. The French Government is not alone in their attempt to realise their neo-liberal legislations. Behind them, there are the French monopolies, international monopolies and the EU. The abolishment of the social achievements gained through struggle and the monopolist capital to gain power for international rivalry: this is the common interest of all of them. So the problems faced by the French working class and labourers are the problems faced also by the working class and labourers in other countries. The form might be different, but the content is same.

As German and Italian, the French working class is also face to face with the international monopolies. What should not be forgotten is that the last neo-liberal attacks of the French bourgeoisie are being either implemented or tried to be implemented mainly with different shapes also in other countries. In fact, the French working class, labourers and youth are showing the way to the working class, labourers and youth of Germany, Britain and such countries on how to struggle. For example, the Legislation Hartz-IV implemented in Germany is not different then the CPE (First Job Contract). The German monopolist bourgeoisie, which considers it as insufficient, is preparing to make the working conditions fully irregular and to increase the working hours.

Under the conditions of imperialist globalisation, the neo-liberal attacks such as privatisation, abolishment of social rights and etc. cannot be challenged with a struggle that squeezed to the national borders both in France and in other countries. Every passing day, the imperialist globalisation is making necessary and inevitable the international organisation of struggle also against the monopolist capital. Return to the "social state" within the frames of the national state, is an illusion from now on. The struggle against the neo-liberal attacks, which are an expression of the international globalisation, in each country is, in fact, an international struggle.

Another result to be drawn:

The protests and occupations brought together the workers and youth from different nationalities, ethnic groups and beliefs, and whole world witnessed to the united struggle -like one body- of the ones "different" from each other. Thus the action itself has repulsed the racism that instigated by bourgeoisie against the immigrants and the ones who are "different". This brotherhood; classification seen in France must be an example for all countries of Europe and the world. In France, the working class and youth have shown the way how to bring into vain the "divide and rule" policy of bourgeoisies, the policy of creating prejudices and inciting racism.

The French working class, labouring masses and the youth have shown how to struggle against the abolishment of social rights, the neo-liberal attacks as a whole. They have also shown how important the streets are. In spite of experiencing the lack of a revolutionary and communist leadership, they have spoken in French within the spontaneous struggle and shown that the neo-liberal attacks can be stopped, although it is for temporary basis, by speaking in French.

 

 

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Speaking French! Teachings of the Struggle against the First Job Contract
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Millions of workers, labourers and youth against the First Job Contract (CPE-Contrat de Premiére Embauche) have occupied the streets all over France. The legislation, which gives the right to the capitalist to sack workers under the age of 26 without compensation and justification in the first two years of their start to work, caused the uprising of France. The protests started by student youth have also supported by their parents, and later they together fight and even clashed with the security forces for the withdrawal of the legislation, the neo-liberal attack of the French bourgeoisie. However, it can not be said that they were unsuccessful in their struggle; because the French monopolist bourgeoisie has had to recheck and redraw the draft by its political representatives president Chirac and prime minister Dominique de Villepin. in 11 April.

According to the statement of CGT, more than 3 million people have shown their anger over the legislation by joining in the 195 demonstrations all over the country during general strike organised on the 4th of April.

About 700 thousand people have marched only in Paris. In Marseille 250 thousand; in Bordeaux 100 thousand; in Toulouse 80 thousand; in Nantes 70 thousand; in Grenoble 60 thousand people marched. About 56 of the 84 universities in whole country were closed down and 1/4 of the high schools joined in the student strikes. 2.7 million people participated in the demonstrations organised one week ago.

The protest movement in France have shown that the power is on the street. Universities and schools were occupied; barricades were set on the streets. Thanks to the pressure of their members, the unions have felt that it is a necessity to join actively in the protests. The brutal attack of the police did not intimidate the demonstrators; on the contrary it stimulated them. It will not be an exaggeration if we say that the spirit of ‘68 was dominant in the demonstrations.

During his meeting with the Prime Minister, Dominique de Villepin, "If this legislation will be withdrawn then we have to say goodbye to the reforms in 10 years time. This will be a bad signal" said a representative of the French monopolist bourgeoisie. Saying "this will be a bad signal" shows how effective the protests were.

This legislation was only a start. The French Union of Employees, MEDEF, demands the implementation of the mentioned legislation for whole workers.

It is very clear that the Government and capitalists have long ago planed to destroy uninterruptedly the social rights and to put in practice the new neo-liberal legislations in order to increase the power of the French economy for rivalry on the international level. But the process did not develop as they desired.

However, as we had seen in the previous mass protests, the current struggle also contained lack of a communist leadership.

The defence of the interests of the working class, labourer masses and the youth, and the contingence of the struggle for economic and democratic rights by turning them into a political struggle is not possible through existing trade unions and "leftist" parties. These are the organisations which are responsible for the struggle bearing spontaneous character. Neither Socialist Party nor the "Communist" Party are capable to turn the struggle that participated by millions into a struggle against the capitalist system. These organisations did not demand the overthrow of the Government as well as the resignation of President Chirac neither in previous actions nor in the current actions. In spite of these demands which were supported by millions, so-called organisations have almost kneeled down before the Villepin and Jacques Chirac, for them to make some cosmetic changes within the legislation. They aimed at blocking the advancement of the massive struggle and to control it through some concessions.

Moreover, in order to prevent the advancement of the student movement, the President of the biggest students' union, UNEF, B. Julliard (member of Socialist Party) said: "We want the actions of the movement to be ended, we want to meet with Prime Minister and discuss". As the trade unions, the student union is also under the influence of Socialist Party and the "Communist" Party.

As it happened in 1968, the French working class, labouring masses and youth have come to face to face with the question of a revolutionary and communist leadership also during the recent nation-wide actions that involved millions. The French Communist Party and the CGT under its influence are the first ones who betrayed the '68 Movement. When student movement had turned into a general strike, the duty of saving the bourgeois system was putted on to the shoulders of the revisionists and trade unions under their influence. These elements, who wanted to control the movement, participated to the struggle professedly. They are playing the same game that they played in the past: They, this time again, participated in the actions in order to control and finish the movement.

The sharpening of the actions could have overthrown the neo-liberal programme that represented by Chirac-Villepin and so the existing government. In such situation, a political crisis would have occurred in France, and political imperceptiveness would have continued for the working class, i.e. there would not be any changes within the spontaneous characteristic of the movement.

The French working class and labouring masses' lack of a revolutionary and communist leadership and their actions' spontaneous character are the most important characteristics brought to the open by the massive actions in France.

The second characteristic brought to the open by actions is the international aspect of the organisation and struggle: The problems that caused the actions are the problems that concern all the working class, labouring masses and the youth of all countries of Europe and the world. The French Government is not alone in their attempt to realise their neo-liberal legislations. Behind them, there are the French monopolies, international monopolies and the EU. The abolishment of the social achievements gained through struggle and the monopolist capital to gain power for international rivalry: this is the common interest of all of them. So the problems faced by the French working class and labourers are the problems faced also by the working class and labourers in other countries. The form might be different, but the content is same.

As German and Italian, the French working class is also face to face with the international monopolies. What should not be forgotten is that the last neo-liberal attacks of the French bourgeoisie are being either implemented or tried to be implemented mainly with different shapes also in other countries. In fact, the French working class, labourers and youth are showing the way to the working class, labourers and youth of Germany, Britain and such countries on how to struggle. For example, the Legislation Hartz-IV implemented in Germany is not different then the CPE (First Job Contract). The German monopolist bourgeoisie, which considers it as insufficient, is preparing to make the working conditions fully irregular and to increase the working hours.

Under the conditions of imperialist globalisation, the neo-liberal attacks such as privatisation, abolishment of social rights and etc. cannot be challenged with a struggle that squeezed to the national borders both in France and in other countries. Every passing day, the imperialist globalisation is making necessary and inevitable the international organisation of struggle also against the monopolist capital. Return to the "social state" within the frames of the national state, is an illusion from now on. The struggle against the neo-liberal attacks, which are an expression of the international globalisation, in each country is, in fact, an international struggle.

Another result to be drawn:

The protests and occupations brought together the workers and youth from different nationalities, ethnic groups and beliefs, and whole world witnessed to the united struggle -like one body- of the ones "different" from each other. Thus the action itself has repulsed the racism that instigated by bourgeoisie against the immigrants and the ones who are "different". This brotherhood; classification seen in France must be an example for all countries of Europe and the world. In France, the working class and youth have shown the way how to bring into vain the "divide and rule" policy of bourgeoisies, the policy of creating prejudices and inciting racism.

The French working class, labouring masses and the youth have shown how to struggle against the abolishment of social rights, the neo-liberal attacks as a whole. They have also shown how important the streets are. In spite of experiencing the lack of a revolutionary and communist leadership, they have spoken in French within the spontaneous struggle and shown that the neo-liberal attacks can be stopped, although it is for temporary basis, by speaking in French.