Unity of the communists and the experience of MLCP
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From extreme optimism to the crisis of trust


Concrete analysis regarding the understanding of unity and the communist movement designed the plan of the struggle for unity. Through the entrustment of representatives one from each TKP/ML Movement, TKIH and TDKIH, the Coordination Committee for the Communist Unity (KBEK) was formed.(5) And it was stated that "TIKB and TDKP were also invited to this formation".
The plan for the unification work gave priority to the discussion of the differences between the organisations forming KBEK and TIKB and TDKP. The discussion of differences among the other three organisations would form the second stage. In fact, the method of dealing with the differences in the second part of the plan was not correct, because it had taken the discussion of differences in a manner broken off, isolated from the entirety of the questions of theory, programme and strategy.
The plan was "far away from meeting the needs" of the organisations forming the KBEK which was "in a high optimism and expectation": Because; "it had the lack of ability to ensure the organising of the struggle for unity through stepping on the very concrete advances and achievements"(6) And because it was not able to deal with the special situation of TIKB and TDKP -who had the lack of desire and tendency to overcome the sectarianism that made them consider themselves as the only element of the communist movement- in a separate way from the situation of the other communist organisations (t.n-TKP/ML Movement, TKIH and TDKIH), their relations with each other and their place inside the struggle for unity. The plan caused time wasting and distraction.
Let alone leaving open how to conclude the question of differences (indefiniteness of the unification method), the plan was also defective for carrying an aspect of preserving and provoking the groupism by making the discussions upon the official opinions of the organisations.
Moreover, the plan for the struggle for unity was not inter-related with the self working plans of the organisations with clarity and a common will and in a binding manner.
KBEK's formation was "a step forward and positive". However, not giving a specifically defined initiative to KBEK in the struggle and work for unity had coincided with KBEK's not showing of a natural initiative and left it without function.(7)
TIKB and TDKP had taken totally a groupist and destructive attitude against the efforts for unity and waged a reactionary struggle in the front. They went their own ways. This was not an unexpected situation. But, despite this development, an initiative to recheck and to deal again with the unity plan was not shown.
The work for unification came to a halt in the spring of 1990. Optimism was replaced with the crisis of trust. The crisis of trust was nothing but the upheaval of groupism like a wave among the ranks of both sides. The old became the superior of the new which was inexperienced and had not yet strengthened its positions.
It was also very meaningful that the crisis of trust exploded upon the differences regarding the evaluation of the past, where the old was most strong (where the old is the strongest) and its reflexes were more alive.
The efforts of both sides for overcoming the crisis of trust and the stagnation were fruitless. Organised at the end of the summer of 1990, "the delegations' meeting was not able to succeed in clearing the way for the unification work through the decisions that it took, although it was successful and positive in general terms". The official evaluations of three organisations concerning the period of '72-'79 and, later, whether the differences in this context cause an obstacle before the unity were discussed through the Communist Unity(8).
In this period of infirmity of the will for unity, the discussions were conducted intermittently while the crisis of trust was led to be weakening for certain level. In the spring of '91, the leaderships' efforts and proposals for overcoming the stagnation increased again and, let away the overcoming of the problems, the crisis of trust was renewed.
Nevertheless, the 4th Conference of TKP/ML Movement and the 1st Congress of TKIH, both of them convened in 1991, however emphasized "insistently the actual political importance of the unity" in spite of not overcoming the crisis of trust and stagnation.
In the same period, TKIH united with TDKIH at its 1st Congress.
"The decision for dissolution by TDKIH and its participation in the Congress prepared by TKIH, and, starting from the Congress, the unification of the communists from TDKIH and TKIH around a programme and constitution, which were to be approved in this congress, is one of the concrete forms of the communists' unity. This form of unity is an expression and consequence of the concrete conditions of our country's communist movement, the evolution of different groups forming the movement, and, more importantly, the current point where the question of unity dealt by three communist organisations has reached to. The unity which was achieved in this way among two organisations does not mean that the question of the unity of all the communists has been solved, but it represents a part, a moment and a direction in the unity process which is much wider and much longer. This unity and the form of unification will play a role of strengthening and developing the unity process." (9)
As a result, the first period of the struggle for unity ended with failure by not reaching its goal despite the gained experiences and some achievements. The delegations' meeting which was organised in the beginning of 1992 officially closed a period by, at the same time, deciding upon the abolishment of KBEK that had already disappeared in practice.
The struggle for unity entered into a process of convalescence that would continue until the spring of '93.
The Meeting of Evaluating the Opportunities for the Unity (MEOU) - April 1993
MEOU (April Meeting) is the very definite conjunction and threshold that expands to MLCP. MEOU was held on 9-11 April 1993. Its importance comes not from its authority. It, however, already had no binding official authority other than its power to influence/convince. But this meeting played a great determining role in the struggle for unity. This meeting, "attended by communists elected and entrusted by TKP/ML Movement in its 4th General Conference and TKIH in a special way, was organised with the aim of clearing the way for the unity work suffered from stagnation and of evaluating the opportunities of unity."(10) And it fully reached its aim.
MEOU did not stop only by bringing to the open that the unification of two organisations was fully possible and by constructing the basis of comradely trust; it at the same time had developed the understanding of unity and determined the method of the unification. It also developed a plan involving all the main aspects of the unification process and the process in full that was generally accepted and put in practice with its core lines. The basis of the 'will for unity' which led to MLCP was paved in MEOU.
MEOU, by emphasizing the existence of the "necessary basis for a principled unity", "that is, in terms of the theoretical, political and organisational understandings, the necessary common accumulation to achieve the unification",(11) also accepted this as the starting point to act.
MEOU put on the centre of the unity plan "the idea of a congress which would have an acceptable form and content for both sides"."However it would end, holding such a congress is a necessity and even an imposition of communist consciousness and communist responsibility. Nevertheless, the congress is one of the most suitable instruments which could solve the points of difference".
Considering the "obstacle" as surmountable it foresaw that "the problem should be solved in the congress on the basis of the will which would be exhibited by the participating delegates of the congress and in the manner of making the unity possible".
"Obviously, the plan was taking it as a base that it was both possible and necessary to surmount the question of evaluating the past -which yesterday stood as a non-surmountable obstacle before the unity- in the Unity Congress and that even the differences upon the question of the past could not be solved through ideological struggle, criticism, discussion and persuasion, the unity could be and had to be achieved by finding a solution- in this or that way- of the question."(12)
It is the unity will which gave spirit to MEOU and its proclamation. The organisations and, particularly, the leaderships were called to develop "a clear and result-achieving" strong unity will "which is resistant to vacillations". The "flexibility" was nothing else but a form of reflection of the unity will. It was the refusal of impositions and the clarification of the method of unification.
MEOU developed and enriched the understanding of unity through a dual approach, which can be summarized as "the unity of the organisations" and "the unity of the communists organised in both organisations". On this basis, it reached the conclusion that "the struggle upon different points of view" would "be developed not in the form of discussions among the official comments and the leaderships, but through the participation of members and candidate members from these two organisations" (13). It was an orientation to tear down the groupism and group rivalry from its strongest positions.
Through its own style, through its attitude of solving the problems together by building a common will and by putting the unity congress in the centre of the unification plan that it had developed, MEOU had determined collectivism as the method of the unification.
"We, with our responsibility for the cause of revolution, will be the followers and defenders of these thoughts". These were the last words of MEOU that unanimously decided upon the unity plan.
This was the new level of struggle with groupism and of deepening at the break-off with sectarian, limited and sectional approaches that were the products of the communist movement's specific history. The new was lunging at the old and, this time it was waging an all-out attack.
The conclusions achieved by the meeting caused "more or less amazement" in the ranks of the organisations and made a surprising affect as an unexpected development. But, the unification plan built by MEOU and the understanding and method of unification that it developed were generally accepted in the discussions carried out by the organisations and the leaderships.

 

Preparations for the Congress

The leaderships put the MEOU's plan into force. The commission, which was created in order "to prepare the draft programme, draft constitution, the common texts to be discussed among the organisation members and candidate members on the subjects of evaluations concerning the principle and tactical questions in respect of the line of daily practical struggle and of the political situation in the country and the world, etc.", began its activities in June 1993. By announcing in its report dated 13 August 1993 that it has completed its activities in success, the Commission made following evaluations upon the Unity Congress.
"Different than the congresses which are the highest and most authoritative organs of any communist parties or organisations, the specificity of the situation is concretized in the Unity Congress being a determining decision-making organ, which would ground the organisational basis on which the new organisation would be constructed by redesigning the ideological unity, the unity of will and action of our organisations or, in the same sense, of the communists united in two organisations. Having discussed in various collective platforms the fundamental theoretical, political and organisational questions in the context of founding a new organisation, the elected delegates, who will reflect the will portrayed during the atmosphere of this free discussion, are coming together being authorized for discussing these questions once more and on the highest level and with the aim, task and responsibility to take decisions in the Unity Congress...It is rather clear that the Unity Congress attended by authorized delegates coming from both organisations, is a fully authorized founding congress."(14)
The 1st Congress of the TKP/ML Movement and the 1st Conference of TKIH, both gathered at the end of the summer of 1993, turned it into the highest unity will of the communists by adopting the "plan put forward by the April Meeting and the ongoing works"(15).
Following the Meeting of Central Committee Delegations, which evaluated the results of both congresses, the Unity Congress Organising Committee (BKOK) was formed. Firstly, BKOK published in the 4th issue of the Unity Will (17) in September 1993, the "discussion materials"(16) prepared by the commission, and announced the plan for discussion. It drew attention to the founding character of the discussions.
The "founding character of the discussions" was being concretized in the effort to develop and cast the "ideological, political line", including the problems of the tactic and organising, of the new vanguard organisation which is to be built by us together. "This, doubtlessly, is a very important opportunity for the communists united in our organisations, which no other organisations possess. It creates for us the opportunity to think and renew, recheck, control and deepen our knowledge upon the problems of tactics, programme and organisation of the revolution."
"Whilst emphasizing the founding character of the discussions, what's being talked about is not essentially the decisional texts which would be adopted by the Unity Congress. What is much more important is the human element. It is to prepare the cadres entirely, as the ones who practice the 'ideological political line' that we have been building. Such that, after the UC, all comrades, cadres from all levels should be ready as the implementers of the line that will be formed by the UC".(18)
BKOK also emphasized the following:
"The founding character of these discussions also involves the practicing of freedom of criticism and discussion, as the essence of internal democracy in the communist parties and organisations."(19)
The Unity Congress preparatory discussions were continued until the summer of 1994 through the Unity Will and in the form of cadre meetings consisting of many different compounds.
While, on the one hand, the ideological preparations for the Unity Congress were carried out, on the other hand, there was a direction towards developing the unity in action and the common activities as a dimension of the unity work. In April 1994, BKOK evaluated the unity works in the context of both dimensions.
Starting from the April Meeting, there were recorded "notable progresses" and achievements on the question of communists' unity. "No serious deviation from the plan" was allowed. BKOK was formed in accordance with the context that was planned and served its task and responsibilities as a functional organ. Moreover, BKOK criticized the "obvious weakness" among the members and candidate members which appeared on ‘the problem of responsibility to write'. It called on them to act energetically and responsibly and to struggle against their shortcomings. After the first experiences of discussion meetings, it drew attention on the fruitful and transforming course of these.
"However, the concentration on the development of unity in action and common works could only be achieved after February of 1994." "Beside the efforts shown by the central and city organs, individual units in some cities also took or tended to take necessary steps concerning this field. There occurred a development in the use of common materials of agitation-propaganda (brochures, leaflets, stickers etc.) The common work intensified in the trade unions by the workers and public sector workers has been followed by the work among the youth. There can be observed a development in every part of the legal and illegal work: Meetings regarding the commemoration of martyred comrades, Newroz celebrations etc."
"The election activities were a good opportunity in terms of common work. The level of the united force could also be shown in this way. As a result, it is true that certain common achievements were gained during the election activities in general. And their darkening in any terms cannot be allowed."(20)
BKOK drew attention to that "the essence of shortcomings are caused because of the weakness of initiative" in the development of common works and unity in action.
While the congress preparations were advancing, the tasks of the political struggle were tried to be shouldered with the perspective of developing the common works and the unity in action. On the other side, fascist regime was not just waiting aside.. While continuing with their efforts to give blows to the communists, the political police were giving signs that they give importance to the question of unity and concentrated their attention at this point. BKOK therefore made following evaluation:
"If we exclude the foundation of the communist party by the unification of the communists from different groups in 1920, the struggle that we have been conducting in a country of divisions and break offs is in the centre of focus of not only ours, not only the other communists and revolutionaries, but also the fascist state forces. We came across with the evidences of this in Istanbul, Bursa, Adana and Ankara at different levels. They are following the developments very closely and are seriously worried about it. It is understood that the route of unification is a correct route."(21)
Due to the lessons of the process of the first attempts for unity and not allowing any spontaneity, "the last year's internal harmony, tempo and direction of development were stable and fruitful". Now everything "had to be planned in accordance with the needs of the unity work" even at the cost of "a serious closing inside". Thereafter everything was interlocked with the goal of Unity Congress.
The organisational and technical preparation of the Congress was carried out by a committee especially established for this work.

 

The Defeat of the Anti-Unity Tendency

In the final stage where the Unity Congress was really near and the election of delegates for the Unity Congress was on the agenda, the groupist tendency; the current which was lying in ambush after the April Meeting, this time began to act in order to prevent the celebration of the Unity Congress.
As a matter of fact, the struggle with groupism sometimes flared up, sometimes kept burning under the ashes, but always continued uninterruptedly throughout the developing and maturing process of the unity thought and during the works for unification. Moreover, in many cases, the groupism showed a reactionary resistance and even succeeded to dominate by using the arguments such as "a healthy unity", "a principled unity", "a revolutionary unity" etc. The failure of the first period of the work for unification was on the agenda as a result of the temporary domination of the reaction of groupism against the revolutionary tendency, which the organisations had overcome, but were not yet able to let it suffer absolute and final defeat and to eliminate its very deep roots.
The Meeting of Evaluating the Opportunities (BODT) emphasized the fact that "every important problem causes a serious groupist reaction among the ranks of our organisations". Groupism which showed itself in the ranks of one of the organisations provoked and activated its contrary on the other side. Mentioning on the relation of the interruption in the process with groupism, the April Meeting exhibited that the interruption process "caused the strengthening of not yet entirely defeated groupist tendencies and attitudes, and reorganisation of such ties which are partly slackened". (22)
In its report, presented to the Unity Congress, BKOK explains the basis of groupism with the following words:
"The effects on the process of the objective reality that the organisations which are involved in the unity work have their own specific history and carry out the unity work under the pressure of their own histories, should always be calculated. We can say, -at first, for the most important decision-making moments- during all the prominent moments of the process, the organisations showed a tendency to consider the development of the unity work and settlement of the problems under the pressure of their own histories and from the point of view of their own position (traditions, the way of thinking, internal difficulties etc.). This situation has always made it difficult to find solutions to the problems and advance in the work for unity."(23)
This was "a natural, spontaneous tendency conditioned by their own historical experiences", but should not continue. It, in many cases, went further from being spontaneous and took the character of being a subjective, deliberate situation.
The "Call for an Extraordinary Congress" made by some people among the ranks of the TKP/ML Movement just before the Unity Congress represents such a situation. Their aim was to prevent the gathering of the Unity Congress through conspiracy theories, by producing fabricated reasons, by accusing the leadership(s), through the threats of division etc. They nominally vowed on their willingness for a "healthy", "principled", "firm" unification; but, in reality, they were against the unity of the communists. They were raising the black flag of groupism. They were extra-provocative and destructive. They, however, were not able to go further than being an open and hopeless stand of groupism. This attempt was deciphered and defeated among the TKP/ML Movement. The call for an extraordinary congress was refused by overwhelming majority. The destructive element and its like-minded individuals who were destined to decay temporarily withdrew by bowing their heads to the result in a compulsory way and by accepting the necessity to take part in the election of delegates for the Unity Congress.

 

PART 2
FOUNDATION

Unity Congress

"Workers, labourers, youth, revolutionaries,

"The Unity Congress which ended with the foundation of MLCP-F (Marxist Leninist Communist Party - Foundation), has been convened in our lands between the dates of 5-18 September.
"Our Congress which begun with one minute of silence for the martyrs and singing of International has continued in a communist atmosphere dominated by lively and enthusiastic discussions, sensitiveness of comradeship and strong desire for unity. Our Congress, where enthusiasm reached to the sky after the announcement of the MLCP-F, ended with shouting of combatant slogans and once more singing of International."(24)
The Unity Congress was a founding congress without any defect. It decided upon the programme and constitution. It drew the theoretical and ideological frames of the party unity and built its jurisprudence. It defined the political strategy, specified fundamental tactical questions and set down party's organising strategy and political route.
It took the decision of founding the Communist Youth Organisation. It has elected and entrusted the Central Committee that would lead all activities until the 1st Congress which would organise the MLCP.
The Congress's decision on the unification of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement is of historical importance. Following the discussion and definition of programme, strategy, fundamental tactical and organisational questions, Congress took a short brake. Then the delegates of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement gathered separately from each other. They decided on the abrogation of the organisations and realisation of unity that would take the ongoing and fully matured struggle and work for the unity of communists towards the target, and in order to create the vanguard staff of the revolutionary proletariat. The decision of abrogation by these two organisations was presented to the Congress.
"The foundation of the new organisation was decided unanimously in the voting that was carried out by reading out the names one by one."(25)
"The members and candidate members of both organisations" were accepted as "founding members and founding members of the MLCP".
The TKP/ML-YIO (Communist Party of Turkey (M-L)/Reconstruction Organisation) was also represented in the Congress on a status of invited delegation. The Congress announced the unification with the TKP/ML-YIO as a principle question, an actual political question and task. It decided that the members and candidate members of the TKP/ML-YIO would be accepted as the founders of the MLCP, if unification were achieved.
The Congress announced that the struggle for the unification of communists ended with victory. While closing one period of the history of the communist movements, it opened the new period. "The most important step of creating the party, the vanguard staff of the proletariat from Turkish, Kurdish and various other nationalities" was taken. The Congress developed the conception of party by fighting against the spontaneous approaches.
The Unity Congress is a communist and revolutionary reply that has been given to the world bourgeoisie's lies that socialism has died and the fight for socialism has finished. It is the expression of condemning anger and hatred over capitalism's world of exploitation and cruelty, and unceasing desire for the humane and free world of socialism.
The Unity Congress is a blow that has been given to the disgusting sultanate of the collaborator monopole bourgeoisie and the big land-owners, and a challenge to the fascist dictatorship. The communists, who came together as one fist for the greater struggles and victories, were shown their commitment and point of views in the struggle for power.
The Congress, which emphasised that the Kurdish nation's national democratic demands are just and legitimate, stated that "without the recognition of these, none of the fundamental problems could be solved", and that "the unity which must be equal, free and voluntary can only be possible by the full abolishment of the colonial yoke and by the recognition of the Kurdish nation's right of determining its own future, i.e. the right of founding a state".
The Congress called upon the "Turkish workers, Turkish labourers and Turkish youth to refuse strongly the shameful plans and wishes of the fascist colonialism and to rush to help the Kurdish people those who have been suffering from genocide, to organise strikes, demonstrations, boycotts and meetings for this purpose and to refuse to go to military service".
The Congress, which saluted the revolution of Kurdish national liberation, drew the attention of the Kurdish proletariat and labourers to combine "the struggle for national freedom with the struggle for socialism" and called upon them to unite for this cause in the ranks of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party.
The Congress protested the oppression of the Laz, Georgian, Abkhaz, Gipsy, Armenian, Greek, Arab and other national minorities. It emphasised the importance and the urgency for the workers and labourers from all nationalities to join in the struggle by uniting as a political army in the ranks of the MLCP whose groundwork was constructed for the sake of their democratic demands and socialist desires.
The Unity Congress called on "all the oppressed to join in the struggle for anti-imperialist democratic revolution in order to transition into a socialist society which leans on the sovereignty of the majority under the leadership of the working class and where the exploitation, unemployment, homelessness, illiteracy, long-waiting-hours in front of the hospitals, national oppression and privileges, sexual repression and inequalities would be abolished, where personal degeneration and human dirtiness would be prevented, where the prostitution, bribery and rascality would be destroyed, where the pollution of nature and destruction of historical heritage would immediately be stopped and where the working class democracy would be implemented; and to unite in the ranks of the MLCP-F that is the vanguard and combatant staff of this fight".(26)
The Congress addressed the advanced workers and communists in following words:
"Comrades, advanced workers,
"The communists organised in the ranks of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement have succeeded in the duty, the unity which has been considered as not achievable in this country. They achieved it and founded the MLCP-F which takes as guidance Marxism-Leninism. They have taken the biggest step for the Party. Now the duty is yours. Let's speed up the foundation process by turning the slogan 'Workers, to the Party, to the MLCP-F' into a reality. Let's uphold the communist structure and make it something that cannot be destroyed and defeated. Let's turn the slogan 'Party, Struggle, Victory' into an anthem of victory, red projectile of an artillery that could destroy the fusty world of exploitation and cruelty.(27)
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Unity of the communists and the experience of MLCP
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Page 2 / 5


From extreme optimism to the crisis of trust


Concrete analysis regarding the understanding of unity and the communist movement designed the plan of the struggle for unity. Through the entrustment of representatives one from each TKP/ML Movement, TKIH and TDKIH, the Coordination Committee for the Communist Unity (KBEK) was formed.(5) And it was stated that "TIKB and TDKP were also invited to this formation".
The plan for the unification work gave priority to the discussion of the differences between the organisations forming KBEK and TIKB and TDKP. The discussion of differences among the other three organisations would form the second stage. In fact, the method of dealing with the differences in the second part of the plan was not correct, because it had taken the discussion of differences in a manner broken off, isolated from the entirety of the questions of theory, programme and strategy.
The plan was "far away from meeting the needs" of the organisations forming the KBEK which was "in a high optimism and expectation": Because; "it had the lack of ability to ensure the organising of the struggle for unity through stepping on the very concrete advances and achievements"(6) And because it was not able to deal with the special situation of TIKB and TDKP -who had the lack of desire and tendency to overcome the sectarianism that made them consider themselves as the only element of the communist movement- in a separate way from the situation of the other communist organisations (t.n-TKP/ML Movement, TKIH and TDKIH), their relations with each other and their place inside the struggle for unity. The plan caused time wasting and distraction.
Let alone leaving open how to conclude the question of differences (indefiniteness of the unification method), the plan was also defective for carrying an aspect of preserving and provoking the groupism by making the discussions upon the official opinions of the organisations.
Moreover, the plan for the struggle for unity was not inter-related with the self working plans of the organisations with clarity and a common will and in a binding manner.
KBEK's formation was "a step forward and positive". However, not giving a specifically defined initiative to KBEK in the struggle and work for unity had coincided with KBEK's not showing of a natural initiative and left it without function.(7)
TIKB and TDKP had taken totally a groupist and destructive attitude against the efforts for unity and waged a reactionary struggle in the front. They went their own ways. This was not an unexpected situation. But, despite this development, an initiative to recheck and to deal again with the unity plan was not shown.
The work for unification came to a halt in the spring of 1990. Optimism was replaced with the crisis of trust. The crisis of trust was nothing but the upheaval of groupism like a wave among the ranks of both sides. The old became the superior of the new which was inexperienced and had not yet strengthened its positions.
It was also very meaningful that the crisis of trust exploded upon the differences regarding the evaluation of the past, where the old was most strong (where the old is the strongest) and its reflexes were more alive.
The efforts of both sides for overcoming the crisis of trust and the stagnation were fruitless. Organised at the end of the summer of 1990, "the delegations' meeting was not able to succeed in clearing the way for the unification work through the decisions that it took, although it was successful and positive in general terms". The official evaluations of three organisations concerning the period of '72-'79 and, later, whether the differences in this context cause an obstacle before the unity were discussed through the Communist Unity(8).
In this period of infirmity of the will for unity, the discussions were conducted intermittently while the crisis of trust was led to be weakening for certain level. In the spring of '91, the leaderships' efforts and proposals for overcoming the stagnation increased again and, let away the overcoming of the problems, the crisis of trust was renewed.
Nevertheless, the 4th Conference of TKP/ML Movement and the 1st Congress of TKIH, both of them convened in 1991, however emphasized "insistently the actual political importance of the unity" in spite of not overcoming the crisis of trust and stagnation.
In the same period, TKIH united with TDKIH at its 1st Congress.
"The decision for dissolution by TDKIH and its participation in the Congress prepared by TKIH, and, starting from the Congress, the unification of the communists from TDKIH and TKIH around a programme and constitution, which were to be approved in this congress, is one of the concrete forms of the communists' unity. This form of unity is an expression and consequence of the concrete conditions of our country's communist movement, the evolution of different groups forming the movement, and, more importantly, the current point where the question of unity dealt by three communist organisations has reached to. The unity which was achieved in this way among two organisations does not mean that the question of the unity of all the communists has been solved, but it represents a part, a moment and a direction in the unity process which is much wider and much longer. This unity and the form of unification will play a role of strengthening and developing the unity process." (9)
As a result, the first period of the struggle for unity ended with failure by not reaching its goal despite the gained experiences and some achievements. The delegations' meeting which was organised in the beginning of 1992 officially closed a period by, at the same time, deciding upon the abolishment of KBEK that had already disappeared in practice.
The struggle for unity entered into a process of convalescence that would continue until the spring of '93.
The Meeting of Evaluating the Opportunities for the Unity (MEOU) - April 1993
MEOU (April Meeting) is the very definite conjunction and threshold that expands to MLCP. MEOU was held on 9-11 April 1993. Its importance comes not from its authority. It, however, already had no binding official authority other than its power to influence/convince. But this meeting played a great determining role in the struggle for unity. This meeting, "attended by communists elected and entrusted by TKP/ML Movement in its 4th General Conference and TKIH in a special way, was organised with the aim of clearing the way for the unity work suffered from stagnation and of evaluating the opportunities of unity."(10) And it fully reached its aim.
MEOU did not stop only by bringing to the open that the unification of two organisations was fully possible and by constructing the basis of comradely trust; it at the same time had developed the understanding of unity and determined the method of the unification. It also developed a plan involving all the main aspects of the unification process and the process in full that was generally accepted and put in practice with its core lines. The basis of the 'will for unity' which led to MLCP was paved in MEOU.
MEOU, by emphasizing the existence of the "necessary basis for a principled unity", "that is, in terms of the theoretical, political and organisational understandings, the necessary common accumulation to achieve the unification",(11) also accepted this as the starting point to act.
MEOU put on the centre of the unity plan "the idea of a congress which would have an acceptable form and content for both sides"."However it would end, holding such a congress is a necessity and even an imposition of communist consciousness and communist responsibility. Nevertheless, the congress is one of the most suitable instruments which could solve the points of difference".
Considering the "obstacle" as surmountable it foresaw that "the problem should be solved in the congress on the basis of the will which would be exhibited by the participating delegates of the congress and in the manner of making the unity possible".
"Obviously, the plan was taking it as a base that it was both possible and necessary to surmount the question of evaluating the past -which yesterday stood as a non-surmountable obstacle before the unity- in the Unity Congress and that even the differences upon the question of the past could not be solved through ideological struggle, criticism, discussion and persuasion, the unity could be and had to be achieved by finding a solution- in this or that way- of the question."(12)
It is the unity will which gave spirit to MEOU and its proclamation. The organisations and, particularly, the leaderships were called to develop "a clear and result-achieving" strong unity will "which is resistant to vacillations". The "flexibility" was nothing else but a form of reflection of the unity will. It was the refusal of impositions and the clarification of the method of unification.
MEOU developed and enriched the understanding of unity through a dual approach, which can be summarized as "the unity of the organisations" and "the unity of the communists organised in both organisations". On this basis, it reached the conclusion that "the struggle upon different points of view" would "be developed not in the form of discussions among the official comments and the leaderships, but through the participation of members and candidate members from these two organisations" (13). It was an orientation to tear down the groupism and group rivalry from its strongest positions.
Through its own style, through its attitude of solving the problems together by building a common will and by putting the unity congress in the centre of the unification plan that it had developed, MEOU had determined collectivism as the method of the unification.
"We, with our responsibility for the cause of revolution, will be the followers and defenders of these thoughts". These were the last words of MEOU that unanimously decided upon the unity plan.
This was the new level of struggle with groupism and of deepening at the break-off with sectarian, limited and sectional approaches that were the products of the communist movement's specific history. The new was lunging at the old and, this time it was waging an all-out attack.
The conclusions achieved by the meeting caused "more or less amazement" in the ranks of the organisations and made a surprising affect as an unexpected development. But, the unification plan built by MEOU and the understanding and method of unification that it developed were generally accepted in the discussions carried out by the organisations and the leaderships.

 

Preparations for the Congress

The leaderships put the MEOU's plan into force. The commission, which was created in order "to prepare the draft programme, draft constitution, the common texts to be discussed among the organisation members and candidate members on the subjects of evaluations concerning the principle and tactical questions in respect of the line of daily practical struggle and of the political situation in the country and the world, etc.", began its activities in June 1993. By announcing in its report dated 13 August 1993 that it has completed its activities in success, the Commission made following evaluations upon the Unity Congress.
"Different than the congresses which are the highest and most authoritative organs of any communist parties or organisations, the specificity of the situation is concretized in the Unity Congress being a determining decision-making organ, which would ground the organisational basis on which the new organisation would be constructed by redesigning the ideological unity, the unity of will and action of our organisations or, in the same sense, of the communists united in two organisations. Having discussed in various collective platforms the fundamental theoretical, political and organisational questions in the context of founding a new organisation, the elected delegates, who will reflect the will portrayed during the atmosphere of this free discussion, are coming together being authorized for discussing these questions once more and on the highest level and with the aim, task and responsibility to take decisions in the Unity Congress...It is rather clear that the Unity Congress attended by authorized delegates coming from both organisations, is a fully authorized founding congress."(14)
The 1st Congress of the TKP/ML Movement and the 1st Conference of TKIH, both gathered at the end of the summer of 1993, turned it into the highest unity will of the communists by adopting the "plan put forward by the April Meeting and the ongoing works"(15).
Following the Meeting of Central Committee Delegations, which evaluated the results of both congresses, the Unity Congress Organising Committee (BKOK) was formed. Firstly, BKOK published in the 4th issue of the Unity Will (17) in September 1993, the "discussion materials"(16) prepared by the commission, and announced the plan for discussion. It drew attention to the founding character of the discussions.
The "founding character of the discussions" was being concretized in the effort to develop and cast the "ideological, political line", including the problems of the tactic and organising, of the new vanguard organisation which is to be built by us together. "This, doubtlessly, is a very important opportunity for the communists united in our organisations, which no other organisations possess. It creates for us the opportunity to think and renew, recheck, control and deepen our knowledge upon the problems of tactics, programme and organisation of the revolution."
"Whilst emphasizing the founding character of the discussions, what's being talked about is not essentially the decisional texts which would be adopted by the Unity Congress. What is much more important is the human element. It is to prepare the cadres entirely, as the ones who practice the 'ideological political line' that we have been building. Such that, after the UC, all comrades, cadres from all levels should be ready as the implementers of the line that will be formed by the UC".(18)
BKOK also emphasized the following:
"The founding character of these discussions also involves the practicing of freedom of criticism and discussion, as the essence of internal democracy in the communist parties and organisations."(19)
The Unity Congress preparatory discussions were continued until the summer of 1994 through the Unity Will and in the form of cadre meetings consisting of many different compounds.
While, on the one hand, the ideological preparations for the Unity Congress were carried out, on the other hand, there was a direction towards developing the unity in action and the common activities as a dimension of the unity work. In April 1994, BKOK evaluated the unity works in the context of both dimensions.
Starting from the April Meeting, there were recorded "notable progresses" and achievements on the question of communists' unity. "No serious deviation from the plan" was allowed. BKOK was formed in accordance with the context that was planned and served its task and responsibilities as a functional organ. Moreover, BKOK criticized the "obvious weakness" among the members and candidate members which appeared on ‘the problem of responsibility to write'. It called on them to act energetically and responsibly and to struggle against their shortcomings. After the first experiences of discussion meetings, it drew attention on the fruitful and transforming course of these.
"However, the concentration on the development of unity in action and common works could only be achieved after February of 1994." "Beside the efforts shown by the central and city organs, individual units in some cities also took or tended to take necessary steps concerning this field. There occurred a development in the use of common materials of agitation-propaganda (brochures, leaflets, stickers etc.) The common work intensified in the trade unions by the workers and public sector workers has been followed by the work among the youth. There can be observed a development in every part of the legal and illegal work: Meetings regarding the commemoration of martyred comrades, Newroz celebrations etc."
"The election activities were a good opportunity in terms of common work. The level of the united force could also be shown in this way. As a result, it is true that certain common achievements were gained during the election activities in general. And their darkening in any terms cannot be allowed."(20)
BKOK drew attention to that "the essence of shortcomings are caused because of the weakness of initiative" in the development of common works and unity in action.
While the congress preparations were advancing, the tasks of the political struggle were tried to be shouldered with the perspective of developing the common works and the unity in action. On the other side, fascist regime was not just waiting aside.. While continuing with their efforts to give blows to the communists, the political police were giving signs that they give importance to the question of unity and concentrated their attention at this point. BKOK therefore made following evaluation:
"If we exclude the foundation of the communist party by the unification of the communists from different groups in 1920, the struggle that we have been conducting in a country of divisions and break offs is in the centre of focus of not only ours, not only the other communists and revolutionaries, but also the fascist state forces. We came across with the evidences of this in Istanbul, Bursa, Adana and Ankara at different levels. They are following the developments very closely and are seriously worried about it. It is understood that the route of unification is a correct route."(21)
Due to the lessons of the process of the first attempts for unity and not allowing any spontaneity, "the last year's internal harmony, tempo and direction of development were stable and fruitful". Now everything "had to be planned in accordance with the needs of the unity work" even at the cost of "a serious closing inside". Thereafter everything was interlocked with the goal of Unity Congress.
The organisational and technical preparation of the Congress was carried out by a committee especially established for this work.

 

The Defeat of the Anti-Unity Tendency

In the final stage where the Unity Congress was really near and the election of delegates for the Unity Congress was on the agenda, the groupist tendency; the current which was lying in ambush after the April Meeting, this time began to act in order to prevent the celebration of the Unity Congress.
As a matter of fact, the struggle with groupism sometimes flared up, sometimes kept burning under the ashes, but always continued uninterruptedly throughout the developing and maturing process of the unity thought and during the works for unification. Moreover, in many cases, the groupism showed a reactionary resistance and even succeeded to dominate by using the arguments such as "a healthy unity", "a principled unity", "a revolutionary unity" etc. The failure of the first period of the work for unification was on the agenda as a result of the temporary domination of the reaction of groupism against the revolutionary tendency, which the organisations had overcome, but were not yet able to let it suffer absolute and final defeat and to eliminate its very deep roots.
The Meeting of Evaluating the Opportunities (BODT) emphasized the fact that "every important problem causes a serious groupist reaction among the ranks of our organisations". Groupism which showed itself in the ranks of one of the organisations provoked and activated its contrary on the other side. Mentioning on the relation of the interruption in the process with groupism, the April Meeting exhibited that the interruption process "caused the strengthening of not yet entirely defeated groupist tendencies and attitudes, and reorganisation of such ties which are partly slackened". (22)
In its report, presented to the Unity Congress, BKOK explains the basis of groupism with the following words:
"The effects on the process of the objective reality that the organisations which are involved in the unity work have their own specific history and carry out the unity work under the pressure of their own histories, should always be calculated. We can say, -at first, for the most important decision-making moments- during all the prominent moments of the process, the organisations showed a tendency to consider the development of the unity work and settlement of the problems under the pressure of their own histories and from the point of view of their own position (traditions, the way of thinking, internal difficulties etc.). This situation has always made it difficult to find solutions to the problems and advance in the work for unity."(23)
This was "a natural, spontaneous tendency conditioned by their own historical experiences", but should not continue. It, in many cases, went further from being spontaneous and took the character of being a subjective, deliberate situation.
The "Call for an Extraordinary Congress" made by some people among the ranks of the TKP/ML Movement just before the Unity Congress represents such a situation. Their aim was to prevent the gathering of the Unity Congress through conspiracy theories, by producing fabricated reasons, by accusing the leadership(s), through the threats of division etc. They nominally vowed on their willingness for a "healthy", "principled", "firm" unification; but, in reality, they were against the unity of the communists. They were raising the black flag of groupism. They were extra-provocative and destructive. They, however, were not able to go further than being an open and hopeless stand of groupism. This attempt was deciphered and defeated among the TKP/ML Movement. The call for an extraordinary congress was refused by overwhelming majority. The destructive element and its like-minded individuals who were destined to decay temporarily withdrew by bowing their heads to the result in a compulsory way and by accepting the necessity to take part in the election of delegates for the Unity Congress.

 

PART 2
FOUNDATION

Unity Congress

"Workers, labourers, youth, revolutionaries,

"The Unity Congress which ended with the foundation of MLCP-F (Marxist Leninist Communist Party - Foundation), has been convened in our lands between the dates of 5-18 September.
"Our Congress which begun with one minute of silence for the martyrs and singing of International has continued in a communist atmosphere dominated by lively and enthusiastic discussions, sensitiveness of comradeship and strong desire for unity. Our Congress, where enthusiasm reached to the sky after the announcement of the MLCP-F, ended with shouting of combatant slogans and once more singing of International."(24)
The Unity Congress was a founding congress without any defect. It decided upon the programme and constitution. It drew the theoretical and ideological frames of the party unity and built its jurisprudence. It defined the political strategy, specified fundamental tactical questions and set down party's organising strategy and political route.
It took the decision of founding the Communist Youth Organisation. It has elected and entrusted the Central Committee that would lead all activities until the 1st Congress which would organise the MLCP.
The Congress's decision on the unification of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement is of historical importance. Following the discussion and definition of programme, strategy, fundamental tactical and organisational questions, Congress took a short brake. Then the delegates of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement gathered separately from each other. They decided on the abrogation of the organisations and realisation of unity that would take the ongoing and fully matured struggle and work for the unity of communists towards the target, and in order to create the vanguard staff of the revolutionary proletariat. The decision of abrogation by these two organisations was presented to the Congress.
"The foundation of the new organisation was decided unanimously in the voting that was carried out by reading out the names one by one."(25)
"The members and candidate members of both organisations" were accepted as "founding members and founding members of the MLCP".
The TKP/ML-YIO (Communist Party of Turkey (M-L)/Reconstruction Organisation) was also represented in the Congress on a status of invited delegation. The Congress announced the unification with the TKP/ML-YIO as a principle question, an actual political question and task. It decided that the members and candidate members of the TKP/ML-YIO would be accepted as the founders of the MLCP, if unification were achieved.
The Congress announced that the struggle for the unification of communists ended with victory. While closing one period of the history of the communist movements, it opened the new period. "The most important step of creating the party, the vanguard staff of the proletariat from Turkish, Kurdish and various other nationalities" was taken. The Congress developed the conception of party by fighting against the spontaneous approaches.
The Unity Congress is a communist and revolutionary reply that has been given to the world bourgeoisie's lies that socialism has died and the fight for socialism has finished. It is the expression of condemning anger and hatred over capitalism's world of exploitation and cruelty, and unceasing desire for the humane and free world of socialism.
The Unity Congress is a blow that has been given to the disgusting sultanate of the collaborator monopole bourgeoisie and the big land-owners, and a challenge to the fascist dictatorship. The communists, who came together as one fist for the greater struggles and victories, were shown their commitment and point of views in the struggle for power.
The Congress, which emphasised that the Kurdish nation's national democratic demands are just and legitimate, stated that "without the recognition of these, none of the fundamental problems could be solved", and that "the unity which must be equal, free and voluntary can only be possible by the full abolishment of the colonial yoke and by the recognition of the Kurdish nation's right of determining its own future, i.e. the right of founding a state".
The Congress called upon the "Turkish workers, Turkish labourers and Turkish youth to refuse strongly the shameful plans and wishes of the fascist colonialism and to rush to help the Kurdish people those who have been suffering from genocide, to organise strikes, demonstrations, boycotts and meetings for this purpose and to refuse to go to military service".
The Congress, which saluted the revolution of Kurdish national liberation, drew the attention of the Kurdish proletariat and labourers to combine "the struggle for national freedom with the struggle for socialism" and called upon them to unite for this cause in the ranks of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party.
The Congress protested the oppression of the Laz, Georgian, Abkhaz, Gipsy, Armenian, Greek, Arab and other national minorities. It emphasised the importance and the urgency for the workers and labourers from all nationalities to join in the struggle by uniting as a political army in the ranks of the MLCP whose groundwork was constructed for the sake of their democratic demands and socialist desires.
The Unity Congress called on "all the oppressed to join in the struggle for anti-imperialist democratic revolution in order to transition into a socialist society which leans on the sovereignty of the majority under the leadership of the working class and where the exploitation, unemployment, homelessness, illiteracy, long-waiting-hours in front of the hospitals, national oppression and privileges, sexual repression and inequalities would be abolished, where personal degeneration and human dirtiness would be prevented, where the prostitution, bribery and rascality would be destroyed, where the pollution of nature and destruction of historical heritage would immediately be stopped and where the working class democracy would be implemented; and to unite in the ranks of the MLCP-F that is the vanguard and combatant staff of this fight".(26)
The Congress addressed the advanced workers and communists in following words:
"Comrades, advanced workers,
"The communists organised in the ranks of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement have succeeded in the duty, the unity which has been considered as not achievable in this country. They achieved it and founded the MLCP-F which takes as guidance Marxism-Leninism. They have taken the biggest step for the Party. Now the duty is yours. Let's speed up the foundation process by turning the slogan 'Workers, to the Party, to the MLCP-F' into a reality. Let's uphold the communist structure and make it something that cannot be destroyed and defeated. Let's turn the slogan 'Party, Struggle, Victory' into an anthem of victory, red projectile of an artillery that could destroy the fusty world of exploitation and cruelty.(27)
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