Unity of the communists and the experience of MLCP
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At the Bridge


After the Unity Congress, there started intense organisational activities. The Central Committee, which was elected and entrusted by the Congress, took over all achievements of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement, organised them by putting in order and giving them new form. The local organisations were reconstructed from top to bottom under the leadership of provisional committees established in more then 10 cities, and all relations were rearranged. And a political activity with two sides was mobilised: On one side, the work of making the cadres and sympathisers understand deeply the decisions of the Congress, the programme and political line, and the work of letting public opinion be aware of the unity and foundation of the MLCP on the other. These two activities were organised at the same time. The new organisation institutionally founded by the Unity Congress begun to exist in practice by reorganisation, resetting of forces and their mobilisation for political activity; it started drawing a "life elixir" from the fire of the revolutionary action.
The decision of the Congress on the independent organisation of the young forces was implemented without delay. The Communist Youth Organisation, which was founded on the 25th of October 1994, rapidly begun to organise young communists and mobilise them in the struggle. During this period, the MLCP attracted attention through its widespread organisation, sensitivity, courage and energy in the political struggle. The activities and works among the labouring women is another front of struggle that came to the fore.
At the first period, the publicity campaign was in the centre of political activities. Propaganda-agitation activities were organised widespread and in a broad sphere from Dersim to Hatay, Corlu to Izmir and in various European countries. It attracted the attention of the progressive, revolutionary public opinion by being energetic and strong as well as being widespread. Erdal Balci, a Party militant, became the target of fascist bullets while hanging a banner onto a bridge that announced the unity and foundation of the party. He watered the unity tree with his blood. The campaign was conducted in a strong form by the use of numerous widespread and coordinated tools and methods, such as posters, stickers, leaflets, wall-writing, trips, picnics, festivals, mass meetings of different sizes, seminars, banners with bombs, participating, supporting and speaking in the activities organised by democratic forces and other activities. The success of the struggle for unity has turned into a revolutionary wave among the progressive revolutionary circles, advanced sections of workers, labourers and the youth, sensitive and lively intellectuals and in the ranks of the communist movement.
The reorganisation of the forces by putting them in order and the first political activities brought open the widespread surveillance and repression of the political police and various important difficulties as well. The break-off of cadres from the old one and their reshaping, their internalisation of the new identity and their integration were not achieved quickly and easily. The certain level of introversion that brought by the Unity Congress and its preparations, partial inertia, passivity and weakening of discipline among the cadres and sympathisers have blocked the political surge, together with the duty of prior reorganisation. It caused evidential ponderousness and malfunctioning, even abstaining and the tendency of waiting. It took the shape of uncertainty, from time to time escaping unity, destructive, reactionary effort and initiatives in anti-unity forms.
It was obvious that the progress was going to be achieved through coping with all internal and external difficulties.
Through the struggle for unity, the communists had entered into not only organisational activities, but also the search and direction for an ideological and political surge and breakthrough. The struggle for unity and Congress institutionally clarified some elements and built new orientations. The signs of new orientations, on this ground, began to appear, rooted in the style of political leadership and struggle.

 

Political Surge

Having given importance to organizing itself, the party concentrated on accelerating its political activities by leaning on the achievements and successes that it had obtained. The internal tension was increased and the wish for political surge was multiplied. The revolutionary pressure became evident also through expectations of revolutionary public opinion and circles of sympathizers.
The political campaign against the civil fascist movement, the activities among the women and the youth front and the mass agitation concentrated in the workers' neighbourhoods and became noticeable. Organising the workers' resistances, participating and interfering within the Istanbul Workers' Assembly, all these are the reflections of increasing political sensitiveness and activeness. A political mobilisation with gradually escalating tempo was developed.
On 12 March 1995, the counter-guerrillas made an attempt of mass killing by firing with machine guns into the coffee shops in Gazi District. The counter-guerrillas' massacre attempt in the Gazi District, where the social problems and contradictions were acute, the revolutionary influence and activity was always organised, caused the anti-fascist anger of the workers and labourers, the poor, the unemployed and the youth to boil over. The labourers rose up using their right to resist, to protect themselves and to bring the perpetrators to account. The police station was the target. Thousands marched towards the police station, the centre of torture and cruelty. The police opened fire against the masses and there were many deaths and wounded. Barricades were set up and street clashes began. Even declaration of martial law was not capable of repulsing the masses in action. The Gazi uprising, which started on 12 March and lasted a few days showed a tendency of spreading into the other workers' districts. The Gazi uprising was a new situation and started a new period in the anti-fascist struggle.
The MLCP's silhouette in steel-blue went up in the flames of the Gazi barricades. The party took the path of both fanning the fire of rebellion in Gazi and spreading it into the other areas. It concentrated on the tasks of increasing the organisational and practical leadership level of the Gazi uprising, reorganising the relations between the progressive and revolutionary forces and those who participated in the movement, making ineffective or neutralizing the attempts of pacifying the movement, extinguishing the fire and encouraging the surrender by different reformist circles and centres, increasing the level of consciousness and organisation of the masses participating in the movement, strengthening the opportunities of military defence, and organising the militia.
As a reflection of its revolution on consciousness, its revolutionary will and its perspective for taking the power, the Party followed a route which was mainly based on the aim of spreading the uprising. But the old style of political leadership and political struggle that was still dominating among the cadres and organisations, even though it was shaken, prevented the implementation of this route. It was very important to keep the Gazi Uprising on the stand for long time by increasing its level of organisation and capacity to resist, for letting masses realize their own strength and opportunities of resistance and for unveiling the fascist regime. However, the movement had to be made nationwide, beginning with the other regions of Istanbul. The protests and demonstrations against the counter-guerrilla's massacres and Gazi massacre, to bring perpetrators to account, to be in solidarity with the uprising Gazi people, asking account from the fascist regime have to be increased in every sphere. The uprising of the Gazi people who ignored the danger of death had to be saluted by barricades, demonstrations and protests and the flaring up of new resistances everywhere. The MLCP concentrated on directing all the oppressed and exploited, at first the workers and labourers, to the line of General Strike General Resistance against the fascist regime:
"We call on our working class, labourers in the public service, our young people, women, urban poor to resist and rise up against fascism and fascist plans and massacres in Istanbul under the banner of General Strike General Resistance. Being silent is a crime; we cannot remain silent, today, however, is the day to fight fascism through united, massive and militant actions.

 

"Forward to a General Strike and General Resistance"(28)

On the night of 18 March 1995, MLCP carried out an attack with rocket against the Bagcilar 100. Yil Kemalpasa Police Station. The MLCP declared to the public that "as long as the police officers who carried out the massacre in Gazi and Umraniye; these torturer police chiefs are not dismissed from their jobs and judged, than the actions against these killers will continue" and it "approved this as a legitimate, moral and obligatory attitude".(29)
The "provocateurs" and the "leaders" of the attack would have to be found and shall be tried before the oppressed and exploited! The dictatorship which did not stop with the massacre that it carried out was asking for more blood and looking for revenge. The attacks and surveillance by the political police focused on the MLCP increased. Hasan Ocak, one of the delegates of the Unity Congress, was kidnapped on 21 March by the political police. Attacks by detention, torture and imprisonment continued. OR: Attacks by detention, torture and imprisonment were spreading. The Gazi commander became the target of the policy of "disappearing" of patriotic, revolutionary and communist militants, leaders and respected popular leaders, which was developed by imperialism and imposed on its servants in all countries.
The colonial fascist regime had massacred hundreds and thousands of patriots, revolutionaries and communists with extra-judicial killings, and disappearances, especially in the 90s'. The party developed a stubborn and brave struggle against the dictatorship's policy of disappearances that aimed at intimidating the revolutionary forces and labouring masses by spreading a wave of fear. The party had the experience of struggle against the kidnapping and disappearing of Huseyin Toraman on 27 October 1991, but there was a need for a comprehensive and stronger initiative.
The honourable and persevering attitude of the Ocak family merged with the insistent mobilisation of the party forces. The party used the armed and unarmed methods of struggle and directed all of its forces towards the same target. Occupations, hunger strikes, press conferences, demonstrations and protest actions have also mobilized progressive, democratic individuals and institutions, human rights organisations and neighbourhood associations. The slogan "Do not be silent, if you are silent, then your turn will come" turned into a rallying cry in the later period in the hands of the broad masses and of all the forces who clash with the fascist regime; a rallying cry that calls inactive masses to join in the struggle.
The institution of police, Interior Ministry, Human Rights Ministry, National Assembly, Prime Minister, President were the target of the struggle against the policy of disappearances.
The morale and determination of progressive and anti-fascist forces multiplied every passing day. The "Campaign against Disappearances" was supported by many different circles. The pressure of the movement also affected the bourgeois media. "The question of disappearances" and the dictatorship's policy of "disappearances" became the centre of the political agenda. The fascist regime gradually unraveled; those responsible were driven into a corner. The groundwork for the Saturday vigils in Galatasaray of the Mothers of the Disappeared, those who became the symbol of resistance against fascism, was built. The Gazi commander became the symbol of the Gazi uprising, of the disappeared and of the MLCP. The struggle revealed the names of those responsible for disappearing the people, cornered the regime and the lifeless body of Hasan Ocak, who was killed under heavy torture on 26 March, 1995 was found. The massive funeral ceremony of Hasan was also turned into a magnificent anti-fascist demonstration. The next step was to find the murderers and ask account from them. The slogan "we want the list of those who disappear people", which was shouted by tens of thousands, reflected the tendency and wish of the anti-fascist masses.
The party entered the preparation process of the 1 May 1995 celebrations with the enthusiasm and anger created by the Gazi uprising and with the atmosphere of the campaign against disappearances that turned everyone into a successful political offence. May Day, which is the international day of unity, solidarity and struggle of the working class, was representing a "moment where the party would show itself in all regions and where the accomplished struggle for unity of communists would be tested politically. On the basis of political mobilisation towards the daily tasks, such as the Gazi uprising, the ongoing campaign against disappearances, and the Istanbul Workers' Assembly. The party prepared for May Day in a different style than the routine, habitual ones.
The splendid, lively, militant and massive 1st May Celebrations witnessed to the growth of revolutionary communist influence among the anti-fascist crowds. Thousands raised the slogan "Workers, to the Party, to MLCP" behind the banner of the MLCP in Istanbul, Izmir, Ankara, Adana, other regions and in the European countries. The victory of the struggle for unity also gave important and meaningful political results. One side of this was the love and sympathy extending among the masses, and the other side was the political commitment and the growing desire for struggle. Development of political leadership and the struggling style by renovation in the direction of responding to the needs of the revolutionary process was a much more important achievement. The 1st May celebrations brought to the open that the party was one of the prominent forces among the revolutionary movement.
The party prominently came to the fore in the organisation of revolutionary work among the labouring women. The Mothers' Assembly, which was organized in May '65, is an important achievement gained in the women's front. Together with the forces coming from different cities of Kurdistan and Turkey, it became the scream of women for freedom against oppression and tyranny.
The forces, which were divided, were put in order and reorganised, and became a party within through the fire of the political struggle. The MLCP positioned itself at the frontlines of the struggle of the working class, the youth, labouring women, labourers in the public service and the urban poor accumulated in the shanty towns; in the frontlines of the fight for freedom and socialism against capitalism and fascist dictatorship. The vanguard party was achieved in the summer of 1995.

 

Towards the Announcement of the Party

The unity was also tested politically. A leap in the political leadership and style of struggle and the level of the organisations that founded the MLCP was being exceeded. The break with the old style, which had been created in its own historical conditions and reached its borders, and the leap into the new style, was being carried out. Following the political surge, the party wanted to evaluate, digest, turn its political successes into a material force, and at the same time, to analyse, enlighten and solve its problems of development. For a few months, the party introverted to some extent, and turned its attention to itself.
The speed and tempo of the political leap forward brought the dispersion of some organisations and the failing of discipline and functioning in some areas, regression of some cadres by not coinciding with the process. Increasing attacks of the political police, detention, imprisonment and loss of cadres created some gap. On the other hand, the party's political influence and esteem were eminently mounted up in the same process, there was an orientation towards the party. The disposition of new extensive and broad relations, organising the new warriors -that were brought forward by the struggle- and making them cadres forced themselves as the problems and tasks waiting to be solved immediately. The situation was making it necessary to widen the sphere of political activity, to increase its level and to intensify the organisation and cadre work for the new political dashes and surges by adjusting the party work to a much firmer organisational base. The party gravitated towards these urgent problems and tasks just at the right time.
However, the party had, at the same time, to tussle with the very urgent problems of its development that affected concentrating on these urgent tasks. Now, before anything else, it was both possible and necessary to analyse and reposition the main cadres by basing on the data that lean on the MLCP reality, i.e. which is brought out by the practice of the MLCP. Therefore, in the beginning, the only thing possible was done; the data and cadre evaluations of the former groups were taken as the base during the new cadre collocation. This was totally invalidated by the revolutionary practice that converted the MLCP-F to the MLCP. Now the MLCP had the opportunity to analyse all the cadres within its own practice.
Although the main forces entered into the path of identification with the MLCP, another important fact is that the distinctive striking problem of the period in the party's development came to agenda. This was the reality, the existence of and the problems caused by the cadres in the ranks who showed uncertainty in breaking with the old, and who were not able to identify themselves with the MLCP and to internalise the unity. The party went forward and advanced by solving the problems and serving the duties that were brought forward by the political surge on one side, and as a result of its internal development on the other.
The question of "resigners" that came out under these conditions was one of the phenomena of non-internalization of the unity. Two leading people -who "resigned" with the justification that the party was following a "balancing" and "subsistent" cadre policy, but, in fact, who threw themselves out of the party ranks- tried to draw the leadership and the party into crisis through their liquidator actions. Those who deviated to liquidate themselves from the party did not understand, before anything else, the inevitability of the MLCP-F's cadre policy to be to some extent the continuation of the old one. The MLCP-F, as the achievement of the struggle for unity, could develop a particular cadre policy only on the grounds of its own practice. Acceptance of the old data and evaluations over the cadres as a starting point was both necessary and compulsory. "Those who failed to understand and solve the specific and distinctive conditions and problems of the first period of the construction of the MLCP-F themselves became a part of the problems of the period."(30)
Despite their valuable contributions to the political surge which was achieved, the "resigners" were not able to identify themselves with the MLCP. "As well as in the "boycotter" and "insister" attitudes within the leadership, the liquidation produced by the alienation starting with the Congress showed itself also in the forms such as not operating the organs in the areas under their responsibility, the negligence of some spheres of activity, violation of the party law and other acts of disobedience. The indeterminacy in their relations with the MLCP-F is standing in the political background of the 'liquidator resignation' action. And in terms of ideology, the main problem is the distrust of the cadres and organisations which is nothing but a manifestation of intellectual individualism. They did not understand the potential that the MLCP-F had even if they saw it; they failed to take under control and overcome their biases, prejudices and antipathies over the leading cadres, and surrendered to their feelings and proclivities."(31) These cadres reproduced the alienation that they had dragged with them, in the face of the solutions of new problems which they did not find satisfying. The dissatisfaction turned into hopelessness on the changeability of the situation in their point of views. "The liquidator 'resignation' action that finalizes in the break with the MLCP-F expresses, at this moment, the peak point of this hopelessness and dissolution."
The "question of resigners" is quite important because of its characteristic of testing the unity from the inside. "Unity" did not only come out successfully of this test, it at the same time took strength from this and became steel-like. It was turned into a tool of installing the party law and party style. None of the party members followed the resigners. They themselves did not show any wish or effort to be followed. This, on one hand, showed the strong unity of will on the basis of the party programme, constitution and line, the internalisation of the Unity Revolution, and, on the other, the attitude of the liquidator resignation did not gain political-moral legitimacy even in the minds of its actors.
As all outcomes indicated, a new period was started in the organisational life. Our conference sealed the analyses of the MLCP leadership on the "new period" by declaring that the characterisation of "Foundation", which was representing the last link with the world of groups as an aspect, had reached the end of its lifetime.(32)
The failure in identification with the MLCP, which generally found its reflection in the fact that some cadres experienced difficulties in breaking with the old and in reshaping themselves, appeared in a much different characteristic and form among the party organisations overseas. An insisting and transforming struggle on the line that was developed through the definitions and analyses declaring the "end of a period" was started upon the cadres who had not been able to identify themselves with the MLCP. Besides this, a struggle was waged against the rotting counter-party elements who, although bowing to unification, never tended to adopt or internalise it, moreover lay in ambush calculating a possible failure and made it their job to conduct destructive activities by creating displeasure and dissatisfaction. And the pus that had accumulated within the overseas party organisations burst. The leadership's signal for the attack started the revolutionary standing up of overseas party organisations against the corrosion. The organisations and cadres in overseas countries established the party on the revolutionary basis through the great struggle that they waged against opportunist corrosion. The struggle continued during and after the Conference and reached success.
The activities for unity with the TKP/ML-YIO formed another aspect of the tasks of preparation for the 1st Conference and for the announcement of the party. It aimed to mature the discussions and the ongoing activities and led them to reach their goal.
The crystallization of the elements of the Party style, the style of the political leadership and struggle which were created within the revolutionary practice, its enlightenment in theory, the analysis of the distance covered, the achieved success and advances, deficiencies and faults, and the failures in the essential fronts of theoretical-ideological, political and organisational activities, were dealt with as the necessities of advancing the Conference preparations and becoming a party. They were discussed on the grounds of the pre-evaluations.

 

Unity Work with the TKP/ML-YIO

The TKP/ML-YIO showed interest and closeness to the struggle for unity of the communists that started in '89. The TKP/ML-YIO and its collocutors' approach to each other developed in time. In addition to that, both its efforts in direct participation to the concrete struggle for unity and the efforts of other organisations in adding it to the struggle for unity were left weak and limited. A more or less contemporaneous development was seen. The other organisations conducting struggle for unity began to spend effort on developing the TKP/ML-YIO's evaluations regarding the communist movement and its approach to the question of unity. On the other hand, they discussed their own evaluations concerning the TKP/ML-YIO.
After the MEOU, there was an orientation towards closer and more proper relationships. TKP/ML-YIO was informed of the topics of the Unity Plan, the discussions and preparations concerning the agenda of the Unity Congress, and the problems that arose. Despite the TKP/ML-YIO's desire to take its place within the unity activities prior to the Unity Congress, "the question of unity with the TKP/ML-YIO was postponed until after the Unity Congress" because the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement "could not create a common will that would make possible its participation in unity work that has been carried out in connection with the aim of the Unity Congress". However, unity with the TKP/ML-YIO was evaluated as an actual political question which had to be dealt with in order to solve it.
The TKP/ML-YIO approved the successful result of the lasting unity works at the Unity Congress. In connection with its preparations for the 3rd Conference, important questions considered differently, such as "the type of revolution", "the essence of power" and regarding the past of the communist movement, were discussed with the TKP/ML-YIO both in terms of the content and in terms of the question of unity. The other dimension of the relations was the development of closeness in the event that it became possible within the common works and unity in action.
The discussions assured contributions on the overcoming of the different point of views. However, the differences were not eliminated. The 3rd Conference of the TKP/ML-YIO reached the conclusion that "the existing differences on the question of democratic revolution and the essence of power which will be established after that, are the principle ones, but it does not form an obstacle to being in the same party" and also the different point of views on the evaluation of I. Kaypakkaya and the TKP/ML (Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist) does not represent a barrier to unity.
The 3rd Conference declared that it "has crowned its efforts to achieve the principled unity that it has fought to mature with the thought that the pro-groupism has ended and lost its function by taking a decision to unite with the MLCP-F". The summer of 1995 witnessed the unification of the TKP/ML-YIO with the MLCP-F.
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Unity of the communists and the experience of MLCP
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Page 3 / 5


At the Bridge


After the Unity Congress, there started intense organisational activities. The Central Committee, which was elected and entrusted by the Congress, took over all achievements of the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement, organised them by putting in order and giving them new form. The local organisations were reconstructed from top to bottom under the leadership of provisional committees established in more then 10 cities, and all relations were rearranged. And a political activity with two sides was mobilised: On one side, the work of making the cadres and sympathisers understand deeply the decisions of the Congress, the programme and political line, and the work of letting public opinion be aware of the unity and foundation of the MLCP on the other. These two activities were organised at the same time. The new organisation institutionally founded by the Unity Congress begun to exist in practice by reorganisation, resetting of forces and their mobilisation for political activity; it started drawing a "life elixir" from the fire of the revolutionary action.
The decision of the Congress on the independent organisation of the young forces was implemented without delay. The Communist Youth Organisation, which was founded on the 25th of October 1994, rapidly begun to organise young communists and mobilise them in the struggle. During this period, the MLCP attracted attention through its widespread organisation, sensitivity, courage and energy in the political struggle. The activities and works among the labouring women is another front of struggle that came to the fore.
At the first period, the publicity campaign was in the centre of political activities. Propaganda-agitation activities were organised widespread and in a broad sphere from Dersim to Hatay, Corlu to Izmir and in various European countries. It attracted the attention of the progressive, revolutionary public opinion by being energetic and strong as well as being widespread. Erdal Balci, a Party militant, became the target of fascist bullets while hanging a banner onto a bridge that announced the unity and foundation of the party. He watered the unity tree with his blood. The campaign was conducted in a strong form by the use of numerous widespread and coordinated tools and methods, such as posters, stickers, leaflets, wall-writing, trips, picnics, festivals, mass meetings of different sizes, seminars, banners with bombs, participating, supporting and speaking in the activities organised by democratic forces and other activities. The success of the struggle for unity has turned into a revolutionary wave among the progressive revolutionary circles, advanced sections of workers, labourers and the youth, sensitive and lively intellectuals and in the ranks of the communist movement.
The reorganisation of the forces by putting them in order and the first political activities brought open the widespread surveillance and repression of the political police and various important difficulties as well. The break-off of cadres from the old one and their reshaping, their internalisation of the new identity and their integration were not achieved quickly and easily. The certain level of introversion that brought by the Unity Congress and its preparations, partial inertia, passivity and weakening of discipline among the cadres and sympathisers have blocked the political surge, together with the duty of prior reorganisation. It caused evidential ponderousness and malfunctioning, even abstaining and the tendency of waiting. It took the shape of uncertainty, from time to time escaping unity, destructive, reactionary effort and initiatives in anti-unity forms.
It was obvious that the progress was going to be achieved through coping with all internal and external difficulties.
Through the struggle for unity, the communists had entered into not only organisational activities, but also the search and direction for an ideological and political surge and breakthrough. The struggle for unity and Congress institutionally clarified some elements and built new orientations. The signs of new orientations, on this ground, began to appear, rooted in the style of political leadership and struggle.

 

Political Surge

Having given importance to organizing itself, the party concentrated on accelerating its political activities by leaning on the achievements and successes that it had obtained. The internal tension was increased and the wish for political surge was multiplied. The revolutionary pressure became evident also through expectations of revolutionary public opinion and circles of sympathizers.
The political campaign against the civil fascist movement, the activities among the women and the youth front and the mass agitation concentrated in the workers' neighbourhoods and became noticeable. Organising the workers' resistances, participating and interfering within the Istanbul Workers' Assembly, all these are the reflections of increasing political sensitiveness and activeness. A political mobilisation with gradually escalating tempo was developed.
On 12 March 1995, the counter-guerrillas made an attempt of mass killing by firing with machine guns into the coffee shops in Gazi District. The counter-guerrillas' massacre attempt in the Gazi District, where the social problems and contradictions were acute, the revolutionary influence and activity was always organised, caused the anti-fascist anger of the workers and labourers, the poor, the unemployed and the youth to boil over. The labourers rose up using their right to resist, to protect themselves and to bring the perpetrators to account. The police station was the target. Thousands marched towards the police station, the centre of torture and cruelty. The police opened fire against the masses and there were many deaths and wounded. Barricades were set up and street clashes began. Even declaration of martial law was not capable of repulsing the masses in action. The Gazi uprising, which started on 12 March and lasted a few days showed a tendency of spreading into the other workers' districts. The Gazi uprising was a new situation and started a new period in the anti-fascist struggle.
The MLCP's silhouette in steel-blue went up in the flames of the Gazi barricades. The party took the path of both fanning the fire of rebellion in Gazi and spreading it into the other areas. It concentrated on the tasks of increasing the organisational and practical leadership level of the Gazi uprising, reorganising the relations between the progressive and revolutionary forces and those who participated in the movement, making ineffective or neutralizing the attempts of pacifying the movement, extinguishing the fire and encouraging the surrender by different reformist circles and centres, increasing the level of consciousness and organisation of the masses participating in the movement, strengthening the opportunities of military defence, and organising the militia.
As a reflection of its revolution on consciousness, its revolutionary will and its perspective for taking the power, the Party followed a route which was mainly based on the aim of spreading the uprising. But the old style of political leadership and political struggle that was still dominating among the cadres and organisations, even though it was shaken, prevented the implementation of this route. It was very important to keep the Gazi Uprising on the stand for long time by increasing its level of organisation and capacity to resist, for letting masses realize their own strength and opportunities of resistance and for unveiling the fascist regime. However, the movement had to be made nationwide, beginning with the other regions of Istanbul. The protests and demonstrations against the counter-guerrilla's massacres and Gazi massacre, to bring perpetrators to account, to be in solidarity with the uprising Gazi people, asking account from the fascist regime have to be increased in every sphere. The uprising of the Gazi people who ignored the danger of death had to be saluted by barricades, demonstrations and protests and the flaring up of new resistances everywhere. The MLCP concentrated on directing all the oppressed and exploited, at first the workers and labourers, to the line of General Strike General Resistance against the fascist regime:
"We call on our working class, labourers in the public service, our young people, women, urban poor to resist and rise up against fascism and fascist plans and massacres in Istanbul under the banner of General Strike General Resistance. Being silent is a crime; we cannot remain silent, today, however, is the day to fight fascism through united, massive and militant actions.

 

"Forward to a General Strike and General Resistance"(28)

On the night of 18 March 1995, MLCP carried out an attack with rocket against the Bagcilar 100. Yil Kemalpasa Police Station. The MLCP declared to the public that "as long as the police officers who carried out the massacre in Gazi and Umraniye; these torturer police chiefs are not dismissed from their jobs and judged, than the actions against these killers will continue" and it "approved this as a legitimate, moral and obligatory attitude".(29)
The "provocateurs" and the "leaders" of the attack would have to be found and shall be tried before the oppressed and exploited! The dictatorship which did not stop with the massacre that it carried out was asking for more blood and looking for revenge. The attacks and surveillance by the political police focused on the MLCP increased. Hasan Ocak, one of the delegates of the Unity Congress, was kidnapped on 21 March by the political police. Attacks by detention, torture and imprisonment continued. OR: Attacks by detention, torture and imprisonment were spreading. The Gazi commander became the target of the policy of "disappearing" of patriotic, revolutionary and communist militants, leaders and respected popular leaders, which was developed by imperialism and imposed on its servants in all countries.
The colonial fascist regime had massacred hundreds and thousands of patriots, revolutionaries and communists with extra-judicial killings, and disappearances, especially in the 90s'. The party developed a stubborn and brave struggle against the dictatorship's policy of disappearances that aimed at intimidating the revolutionary forces and labouring masses by spreading a wave of fear. The party had the experience of struggle against the kidnapping and disappearing of Huseyin Toraman on 27 October 1991, but there was a need for a comprehensive and stronger initiative.
The honourable and persevering attitude of the Ocak family merged with the insistent mobilisation of the party forces. The party used the armed and unarmed methods of struggle and directed all of its forces towards the same target. Occupations, hunger strikes, press conferences, demonstrations and protest actions have also mobilized progressive, democratic individuals and institutions, human rights organisations and neighbourhood associations. The slogan "Do not be silent, if you are silent, then your turn will come" turned into a rallying cry in the later period in the hands of the broad masses and of all the forces who clash with the fascist regime; a rallying cry that calls inactive masses to join in the struggle.
The institution of police, Interior Ministry, Human Rights Ministry, National Assembly, Prime Minister, President were the target of the struggle against the policy of disappearances.
The morale and determination of progressive and anti-fascist forces multiplied every passing day. The "Campaign against Disappearances" was supported by many different circles. The pressure of the movement also affected the bourgeois media. "The question of disappearances" and the dictatorship's policy of "disappearances" became the centre of the political agenda. The fascist regime gradually unraveled; those responsible were driven into a corner. The groundwork for the Saturday vigils in Galatasaray of the Mothers of the Disappeared, those who became the symbol of resistance against fascism, was built. The Gazi commander became the symbol of the Gazi uprising, of the disappeared and of the MLCP. The struggle revealed the names of those responsible for disappearing the people, cornered the regime and the lifeless body of Hasan Ocak, who was killed under heavy torture on 26 March, 1995 was found. The massive funeral ceremony of Hasan was also turned into a magnificent anti-fascist demonstration. The next step was to find the murderers and ask account from them. The slogan "we want the list of those who disappear people", which was shouted by tens of thousands, reflected the tendency and wish of the anti-fascist masses.
The party entered the preparation process of the 1 May 1995 celebrations with the enthusiasm and anger created by the Gazi uprising and with the atmosphere of the campaign against disappearances that turned everyone into a successful political offence. May Day, which is the international day of unity, solidarity and struggle of the working class, was representing a "moment where the party would show itself in all regions and where the accomplished struggle for unity of communists would be tested politically. On the basis of political mobilisation towards the daily tasks, such as the Gazi uprising, the ongoing campaign against disappearances, and the Istanbul Workers' Assembly. The party prepared for May Day in a different style than the routine, habitual ones.
The splendid, lively, militant and massive 1st May Celebrations witnessed to the growth of revolutionary communist influence among the anti-fascist crowds. Thousands raised the slogan "Workers, to the Party, to MLCP" behind the banner of the MLCP in Istanbul, Izmir, Ankara, Adana, other regions and in the European countries. The victory of the struggle for unity also gave important and meaningful political results. One side of this was the love and sympathy extending among the masses, and the other side was the political commitment and the growing desire for struggle. Development of political leadership and the struggling style by renovation in the direction of responding to the needs of the revolutionary process was a much more important achievement. The 1st May celebrations brought to the open that the party was one of the prominent forces among the revolutionary movement.
The party prominently came to the fore in the organisation of revolutionary work among the labouring women. The Mothers' Assembly, which was organized in May '65, is an important achievement gained in the women's front. Together with the forces coming from different cities of Kurdistan and Turkey, it became the scream of women for freedom against oppression and tyranny.
The forces, which were divided, were put in order and reorganised, and became a party within through the fire of the political struggle. The MLCP positioned itself at the frontlines of the struggle of the working class, the youth, labouring women, labourers in the public service and the urban poor accumulated in the shanty towns; in the frontlines of the fight for freedom and socialism against capitalism and fascist dictatorship. The vanguard party was achieved in the summer of 1995.

 

Towards the Announcement of the Party

The unity was also tested politically. A leap in the political leadership and style of struggle and the level of the organisations that founded the MLCP was being exceeded. The break with the old style, which had been created in its own historical conditions and reached its borders, and the leap into the new style, was being carried out. Following the political surge, the party wanted to evaluate, digest, turn its political successes into a material force, and at the same time, to analyse, enlighten and solve its problems of development. For a few months, the party introverted to some extent, and turned its attention to itself.
The speed and tempo of the political leap forward brought the dispersion of some organisations and the failing of discipline and functioning in some areas, regression of some cadres by not coinciding with the process. Increasing attacks of the political police, detention, imprisonment and loss of cadres created some gap. On the other hand, the party's political influence and esteem were eminently mounted up in the same process, there was an orientation towards the party. The disposition of new extensive and broad relations, organising the new warriors -that were brought forward by the struggle- and making them cadres forced themselves as the problems and tasks waiting to be solved immediately. The situation was making it necessary to widen the sphere of political activity, to increase its level and to intensify the organisation and cadre work for the new political dashes and surges by adjusting the party work to a much firmer organisational base. The party gravitated towards these urgent problems and tasks just at the right time.
However, the party had, at the same time, to tussle with the very urgent problems of its development that affected concentrating on these urgent tasks. Now, before anything else, it was both possible and necessary to analyse and reposition the main cadres by basing on the data that lean on the MLCP reality, i.e. which is brought out by the practice of the MLCP. Therefore, in the beginning, the only thing possible was done; the data and cadre evaluations of the former groups were taken as the base during the new cadre collocation. This was totally invalidated by the revolutionary practice that converted the MLCP-F to the MLCP. Now the MLCP had the opportunity to analyse all the cadres within its own practice.
Although the main forces entered into the path of identification with the MLCP, another important fact is that the distinctive striking problem of the period in the party's development came to agenda. This was the reality, the existence of and the problems caused by the cadres in the ranks who showed uncertainty in breaking with the old, and who were not able to identify themselves with the MLCP and to internalise the unity. The party went forward and advanced by solving the problems and serving the duties that were brought forward by the political surge on one side, and as a result of its internal development on the other.
The question of "resigners" that came out under these conditions was one of the phenomena of non-internalization of the unity. Two leading people -who "resigned" with the justification that the party was following a "balancing" and "subsistent" cadre policy, but, in fact, who threw themselves out of the party ranks- tried to draw the leadership and the party into crisis through their liquidator actions. Those who deviated to liquidate themselves from the party did not understand, before anything else, the inevitability of the MLCP-F's cadre policy to be to some extent the continuation of the old one. The MLCP-F, as the achievement of the struggle for unity, could develop a particular cadre policy only on the grounds of its own practice. Acceptance of the old data and evaluations over the cadres as a starting point was both necessary and compulsory. "Those who failed to understand and solve the specific and distinctive conditions and problems of the first period of the construction of the MLCP-F themselves became a part of the problems of the period."(30)
Despite their valuable contributions to the political surge which was achieved, the "resigners" were not able to identify themselves with the MLCP. "As well as in the "boycotter" and "insister" attitudes within the leadership, the liquidation produced by the alienation starting with the Congress showed itself also in the forms such as not operating the organs in the areas under their responsibility, the negligence of some spheres of activity, violation of the party law and other acts of disobedience. The indeterminacy in their relations with the MLCP-F is standing in the political background of the 'liquidator resignation' action. And in terms of ideology, the main problem is the distrust of the cadres and organisations which is nothing but a manifestation of intellectual individualism. They did not understand the potential that the MLCP-F had even if they saw it; they failed to take under control and overcome their biases, prejudices and antipathies over the leading cadres, and surrendered to their feelings and proclivities."(31) These cadres reproduced the alienation that they had dragged with them, in the face of the solutions of new problems which they did not find satisfying. The dissatisfaction turned into hopelessness on the changeability of the situation in their point of views. "The liquidator 'resignation' action that finalizes in the break with the MLCP-F expresses, at this moment, the peak point of this hopelessness and dissolution."
The "question of resigners" is quite important because of its characteristic of testing the unity from the inside. "Unity" did not only come out successfully of this test, it at the same time took strength from this and became steel-like. It was turned into a tool of installing the party law and party style. None of the party members followed the resigners. They themselves did not show any wish or effort to be followed. This, on one hand, showed the strong unity of will on the basis of the party programme, constitution and line, the internalisation of the Unity Revolution, and, on the other, the attitude of the liquidator resignation did not gain political-moral legitimacy even in the minds of its actors.
As all outcomes indicated, a new period was started in the organisational life. Our conference sealed the analyses of the MLCP leadership on the "new period" by declaring that the characterisation of "Foundation", which was representing the last link with the world of groups as an aspect, had reached the end of its lifetime.(32)
The failure in identification with the MLCP, which generally found its reflection in the fact that some cadres experienced difficulties in breaking with the old and in reshaping themselves, appeared in a much different characteristic and form among the party organisations overseas. An insisting and transforming struggle on the line that was developed through the definitions and analyses declaring the "end of a period" was started upon the cadres who had not been able to identify themselves with the MLCP. Besides this, a struggle was waged against the rotting counter-party elements who, although bowing to unification, never tended to adopt or internalise it, moreover lay in ambush calculating a possible failure and made it their job to conduct destructive activities by creating displeasure and dissatisfaction. And the pus that had accumulated within the overseas party organisations burst. The leadership's signal for the attack started the revolutionary standing up of overseas party organisations against the corrosion. The organisations and cadres in overseas countries established the party on the revolutionary basis through the great struggle that they waged against opportunist corrosion. The struggle continued during and after the Conference and reached success.
The activities for unity with the TKP/ML-YIO formed another aspect of the tasks of preparation for the 1st Conference and for the announcement of the party. It aimed to mature the discussions and the ongoing activities and led them to reach their goal.
The crystallization of the elements of the Party style, the style of the political leadership and struggle which were created within the revolutionary practice, its enlightenment in theory, the analysis of the distance covered, the achieved success and advances, deficiencies and faults, and the failures in the essential fronts of theoretical-ideological, political and organisational activities, were dealt with as the necessities of advancing the Conference preparations and becoming a party. They were discussed on the grounds of the pre-evaluations.

 

Unity Work with the TKP/ML-YIO

The TKP/ML-YIO showed interest and closeness to the struggle for unity of the communists that started in '89. The TKP/ML-YIO and its collocutors' approach to each other developed in time. In addition to that, both its efforts in direct participation to the concrete struggle for unity and the efforts of other organisations in adding it to the struggle for unity were left weak and limited. A more or less contemporaneous development was seen. The other organisations conducting struggle for unity began to spend effort on developing the TKP/ML-YIO's evaluations regarding the communist movement and its approach to the question of unity. On the other hand, they discussed their own evaluations concerning the TKP/ML-YIO.
After the MEOU, there was an orientation towards closer and more proper relationships. TKP/ML-YIO was informed of the topics of the Unity Plan, the discussions and preparations concerning the agenda of the Unity Congress, and the problems that arose. Despite the TKP/ML-YIO's desire to take its place within the unity activities prior to the Unity Congress, "the question of unity with the TKP/ML-YIO was postponed until after the Unity Congress" because the TKIH and the TKP/ML Movement "could not create a common will that would make possible its participation in unity work that has been carried out in connection with the aim of the Unity Congress". However, unity with the TKP/ML-YIO was evaluated as an actual political question which had to be dealt with in order to solve it.
The TKP/ML-YIO approved the successful result of the lasting unity works at the Unity Congress. In connection with its preparations for the 3rd Conference, important questions considered differently, such as "the type of revolution", "the essence of power" and regarding the past of the communist movement, were discussed with the TKP/ML-YIO both in terms of the content and in terms of the question of unity. The other dimension of the relations was the development of closeness in the event that it became possible within the common works and unity in action.
The discussions assured contributions on the overcoming of the different point of views. However, the differences were not eliminated. The 3rd Conference of the TKP/ML-YIO reached the conclusion that "the existing differences on the question of democratic revolution and the essence of power which will be established after that, are the principle ones, but it does not form an obstacle to being in the same party" and also the different point of views on the evaluation of I. Kaypakkaya and the TKP/ML (Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist) does not represent a barrier to unity.
The 3rd Conference declared that it "has crowned its efforts to achieve the principled unity that it has fought to mature with the thought that the pro-groupism has ended and lost its function by taking a decision to unite with the MLCP-F". The summer of 1995 witnessed the unification of the TKP/ML-YIO with the MLCP-F.
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