The MLCP is the vanguard party of the working class, the voice and the fist of the oppressed

As the facts put forward until now already show, the MLCP is an internationalist revolutionary party that struggles for the solution of the political, social and economic problems and contradiction of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan on the basis of a revolutionary program and in favour of the working class and the oppressed. Completely as a result of necessity, it organises itself in a clandestine and illegal way. Apart from all limitations caused by the political conditions in which it works, it has adopted socialist democracy and collectivism as the method of its existence and it works according to an internal laws of functioning based on democratic centralism and valid for all its members.
Could the indictment cover these facts by announcing the MLCP as an "armed terror organisation" with a superficial bourgeois logic and a criminalising mind? Undoubtedly no!
Above all, we hatefully reject the allegation that our party is a "terror organisation" and we return this allegation to the public prosecutor and to the masters of the fascist regime collaborating with the US imperialism, whose defence is zealously assumed by the public prosecutor.
We cry out once more here that the MLCP does not only reject "violence without any aim" and "violence for the sake of violence", but it also rejects even more strongly unethical and unjust violence. This is concrete not only in the ideological approaches of our party but also in its actions.
As the revolutionary party of the working class guided by scientific socialism, the MLCP is the voice and the fist of all the oppressed that are thirsty for freedom, social justice and a human and dignified life under the present social material reality of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. Actions based on violence within the activities of our party are only one part of a whole. And they result from the fascist terror of the state, civil fascist aggression[31*], fascist laws and bans and the political conditions created by the imperialist terror with the US imperialism at the root. It can be seen very easily even with very little analysis that the violence applied by the MLCP is necessary, legitimate and ethic both in terms of goals, targets that are shot and methods.
However, as the indictment uses the eyeglasses of the bourgeois ruling class to see, the facts seem different to it.
The part consisting of three short paragraphs with the title "approach of the organisation to armed struggle" on the page 48th of the indictment begins with the following sentence:
"The organisation MLCP defends that the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship is possible only through violence and that the fundamental aim of this is the armed struggle".
The sentence written by the public prosecutor Haciosmanoglu does not have the capacity of passing the Turkish grammar class at school as well as being one of the worst examples possible in terms of reflecting or summarising the attitude of our party on this issue.
First of all, it is so because the program and the strategy of the MLCP does not directly base on the establishment of a dictatorship of the working class. Our party struggles today for the workers' and labourers power that will follow a program which, under the leadership of the working class, contains the different demands of labouring and poor sectors of the cities, small property owners, small, middle and landless peasantry of the rural area, the Kurdish nation, women as the oppressed gender, oppressed religious denominations and oppressed nationalities and all the oppressed that suffer from the fascist oppression and imperialist yoke.
Secondly, the use of violence by our party in relation with actual, temporary and political problems does not have such a rough relation with the armed insurrection of our peoples as the public prosecutor tries to establish through the logic "revolution can be realised on the basis of violence; then, let us immediately start an armed struggle". Armed insurrection is the highest form of political struggle, while the use of methods of violence within the ongoing revolutionary activities is just one of the forms of political work.
In face of this approach of our party, one might ask the question why a peaceful alternative is not preferred instead of armed insurrection of the people as the highest form of political struggle.
Then, why?
As the collaborating monopolist bourgeoisie will not renounce voluntarily from its exploiting domination, as the imperialist bloodsuckers, first of all the USA, will not leave the decision on the future of their domination to our peoples and they will try to hinder and repress the revolution through the most intensified counter-revolutionary violence, the working class and the oppressed have no other choice but to overwhelm them with arms. For this reason, our party considers an armed insurrection of the people as a necessity or inevitability. If the exploiting minority and the imperialists were to renounce their domination as a result of a public referendum, undoubtedly, there would be no need at all for the armed violence of our peoples. In those conditions, we would not be able to speak about the legitimacy of violence.
However, the history of the humanity has not presented any examples of a voluntary renouncement of the ruling classes that form an exploiting minority from their socio-economic and political privileges leaving the scene for the establishment of a new socio-economic system and political structure where another class will reign. As in the example of Allende and Unidad Popular in Chile, the strategies and intents of "peaceful change" in the 20th century were repressed by fascist state power incited and defended by the USA; let alone socialisation, this happened even after serious attempts of nationalisation. The country turned into a lake of blood.
Not only the overthrow of the political power for a new socio-economic system, but even the struggle of the working class against the bourgeois class for serious economic-democratic rights was repressed through bourgeois terror. See, there it is the struggle of the US working class, militant vanguard of the struggle for 8-hour day, which has inspired the Mayday and the 8th of March at the last quarter of the 18th century. What was the response of the US bourgeoisie to this struggle? Repression through armed violence, spilling the workers' blood in streams, and execution of the leaders of the movement. When the content of the demands became more progressive, the same USA tried to continue its domination at the cost of the massacre of more than 12 million workers, peasants, young people, women and children, exposing the most brutal examples of barbarity against the peoples of South America, Asia and Africa that stood up against new-colonialist yoke and for national liberation and social emancipation only in the last sixty years, if we do not count the further history.
Likewise, when we have a look at the reality of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, we see that even some important political, economic and social demands of the workers and the oppressed within the present capitalist system are hindered by armed violence in many cases. We do not speak of revolution or demands for a new socio-economic system here.
For a moment we leave aside the political right of self-determination which is the right of every nation and we ask: What was the answer of the Turkish bourgeoisie to our Kurdish people, whenever they raised a national democratic demand such as autonomy that would be possible within the borders of the state? Has the Turkish bourgeoisie said "Okey, yes. At the end of a six-month period during which all political forces will have the freedom of agitation and propaganda in favour of it or against it, a referendum will be organised in the Kurdish provinces and what the majority chooses will be applied"? Or has it immediately rejected this demand and the political vanguards behind this demand and the people were announced as the rebels to be repressed through military methods and the history of 1921-1938 repeated itself?[32*] We know that the latter happened.
Besides oppressing the revolutionary movement with every form of violence through the fascist juntas of March 12 and September 12 supported by and serving the USA, the bourgeois state also displayed clear examples of oppression by means of violence upon the democratic rights and freedoms of the working class and the oppressed achieved so far.
Memduh Tagmac of the ringleaders of the junta of March 12, had said that "the social revival has passed beyond the economic development" and by that summarized the ideas of the collaborating bourgeoisie. Again, at the same period, the spokesmen of the bourgeoisie were announcing that the Constitution of 1961 is "too much" for the society in terms of some democratic rights and freedoms. Both issues were solved. And how? With the fascist coup on March 12!
After the fascist generals of September 12 proclaimed the junta regime, the textile boss Halit Narin, collaborator and capitalists' spokesman, said "It were the workers until now laughing and we were the ones crying and now it is our turn to laugh" and Vehbi Koc[33*] explained in his letter written to the coup chief Evren how the union and strike laws must be organized. As soon as they announced to have seized the power, among their first announcements and acts the pro-US generals proclaimed, that the strikes going on were banned and all union work was stopped. On the 35th day after the coup they introduced laws that limited the severance pay and on the 50th days, they approved a law increasing the necessary working time for retirement from 20 years to 25 years for women and from 25 to 30 for men! At the same time they even re-organised the Constitution from top to bottom which had already been restricted by the putschists of March 12 with the idea that it still contains too many rights! And all this happened with the power of the tanks and bayonets!
Despite this kind of facts some of which we have already listed and which could be multiplied with dozens of examples, the indictment never speaks about the unbridled, unethical and unjust violence, in other terms, terror, of the bourgeoisie and the imperialists while mentioning the "armed terror". This shows that the defenders of the indictment do not have problems with violence or methods of violence in general but only with the violence of the workers and the oppressed.
We are not surprised. After all, this is not to be considered a new situation.
Let us continue.
It has been proven by many experiences and it is given in the logic of the class struggle that the working class and the oppressed will face the armed violence of the ruling classes who form an exploiting minority and their imperialist masters, when they try to take over power in order to establish political freedom or for a new socio-economic system. For this reason, our party is conscious of the fact that an armed insurrection of the people will be inevitable when this day comes and has openly explained its view. This attitude is legitimate from the historical as well as political point of view.
However; it is an expression of the absurdity of the indictment or the fear from the truth that its writers feel in the name of the regime, that the indictment explains the revolutionary violence applied from time to time by the MLCP in its current political work, by mentioning the armed insurrection of the people required by the conditions of the day or the moment of the revolt to take over the power.
As a matter of fact, whenever the indictment touches the ideas and the actions of our party even a little bit, it immediately starts to show inner contradictions. For example, on page 48 it says:
"The organization MLCP makes the analysis that the country is going towards a civil war and aims at preparing itself as soon as possible for an armed struggle in order to mobilise the masses during this period and to lead them. However, the organization MLCP opposes the idea that the armed actions are only considered as a means of propaganda and the actions turning into a movement of revenge against security forces on an emotional basis."
These are partial confessions after the demagogies on "terror organisation" made by the public prosecutor that prepared the indictment. This directly points towards a political struggle. However, the way of defining the content of the question and formulating it is, again, characterised by arbitrariness, lack of knowledge and distortion.
What, in fact, are the conditions that, in a different way than the question of armed insurrection of the people, make the MLCP use revolutionary violence as part of the political work during the preparation period of the revolution and call on the vanguard sectors of the masses to be ready to continue making politics with means of force when necessary?
The conditions that make it inevitable for the working class and oppressed to use revolutionary violence with group or mass character are the facts that we live under a fascist regime, that the state and the legal and clandestine militarist forces supported by the imperialists use violence in a systematic way, the terror applied by the civil fascist gangs, the fascist laws and bans, the state protecting and awarding the officials who committed the worst crimes against humanity and the bourgeoisie using civil war methods in order to stop the proceeding of the revolution.
Today, the regime in power carries the label of being "parliamentary democracy" but is in fact a fascist regime with its constitutional, legal, institutional and cadre structure and ideology. The denial of and the colonialist yoke on the Kurdish people make this fascist regime even more aggressive.
This fascist MGK dictatorship of the collabo- rating capitalist oligarchy supported by the USA does not only hinder the freedom of opinion, press, organisation, meeting, action and self-determination right of the workers and oppressed, but also makes use of provocations, massacres, torture, rapes during arrests, extra-judicial killings on the streets and at house raids, forced disappearances and prison massacres as a state policy in order to prevent the workers' and oppressed people's awakening and struggle. It uses arrest as a method of violence. Through physical attacks, bans, police complots, imprisonments on the base of ideological enmity, it pressures the parties, groups, individuals and journalists that organise their activities in a legal and democratic manner. It follows the policy of repressing the strikes, resistances and actions based on the current democratic rights of the workers and oppressed; actions demanding new rights; actions for solidarity or demanding justice, as well as celebrations such as Mayday and Newroz[33] with gas bombs, pressurised water, truncheons, bayonets, bullets, arrests and killings.
Although having committed the worse crimes against humanity, the torturers, rapists, those carrying out extra-judicial killings and forced disappearances, head-and-ear hunters, those washing mass actions with blood, are not suspended or imprisoned, or not even given the prison sentences as required by the current laws; on the contrary they are protected and promoted. Let us give two current examples for that. When a bomb attack was realised on March 16, 1978 at Beyazit Square, Istanbul, targeting revolutionary and progressive student masses and resulting in 8 students killed and dozens of casualties, Resat Altay was the police sergeant at that time and his responsibility for the attack is known. After being well-known for 19 years as torturer and responsible for extra-judicial killings, he is the police chief of the province of Trabzon on January 10, 2007, the day when Hrant Dink[34] was murdered, taking his place there as the one who opened the way for the murder! In the same way, Colonel Ali Oz, responsible for the leadership of the attack on the revolutionary prisoners on September 26, 1999 at Ulucanlar prison killing 10 of them and causing irreversible physical problems to many of them, this time appears as the "provincial commander of the gendarmerie" in Trabzon inciting and paving the way for the murder of Hrant Dink! The list of such crimes and criminals can cover several files! As a matter of fact, a small snapshot among their photos has come out in Susurluk.
Many massacres and provocative actions, from Mayday 1977 to the massacre of Sivas, from the massacre of Maras to Semdinli, from the murders by "unknown assailants"[34*] as seen in the examples of Ugur Mumcu[35] and Musa Anter[36] to the bombing of the newspaper Gundem[37] and the provocative act starting the massacre in Gazi, which, aside from those realised directly by the official state forces, were all carried out by units affiliated with the counter-guerrilla, that had organised itself clandestinely and whose foundation had been realised by US imperialism, are a part of the fascist regime's way of political struggle.
The civil fascist parties and organisations are also among those who conduct violence against the struggle of the working class and oppressed and against their vanguard forces in the name of the collaborating bourgeoisie and its state. After having passed commander camps and education operated by Israel in the ‘60s, the civil fascist gangs started to spill the blood of the people; they carried out massacres in Malatya[38], Maras and Corum [39] in the ‘70s under the direction of the counter-guerrilla and they realised thousands of murders. Nowadays, embodied by the MHP and BBP, they are mobilized in attacks with guns and choppers, lynching attempts and different means and ways of violence in schools, neighbourhoods, production zones and city centres against revolutionary, anti-fascist and Kurdish patriotic women and men of our people, the revolutionary democratic struggle, workers' strikes and resistances and revolutionary agitation and propaganda activities today, as it happened throughout the ‘90s. In different types of attacks, up to brutal killings such as the murder of Hrant Dink and people of Christian religion[35*], the triggermen are chosen from within these civil fascist gangs. Abdullah Catli[40] and M. Ali Agca[41] are two well-known bloody faces from this photograph.
In the ‘90s a new apparatus, in form of mafia gangs, was added to the violence systematically applied by the official militarist forces of the bourgeois state, its counter-guerrilla and civil fascist groups. These mafia gangs are mainly directed by individuals who had participated in fascist organizations in the ‘70s. The relation of these gangs with MIT and JITEM could not be hidden in the examples of Alaatin Cakici and Sedat Peker.[36*] Together with other activities, these kind of gangs carry out activities such as sale of drugs, gambling, trade of women's body and racketeering work in the labourer's neighbourhoods and by this way they serve the policy of degeneration and corrosion and at the same time especially the working youth and lumpen youth are organized within these gangs and mobilised against revolutionary and Kurdish-patriotic forces, becoming part of the counter-guerrilla.
Apart from all this, the capital and fascism apply the tactics of hindering the development of the revolution and oppressing the revolutionary struggle by turning some national and religious differences in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan into a means of reactionary polarization and reactionary civil wars with such content and by this way, taking a part of the working class and oppressed into their service.
According to its needs and in order to push back the social polarizations based on open class and political contrasts such as bourgeoisie-working class, fascism-people, oppressors-oppressed, the fascist dictatorship tries to break the unity of the working class and our people with reactionary polarizations in forms of those among Turkish-Kurdish, Alevi-Sunni and followers of Sharia-secularism, to win the Turkish workers and labourers for its benefits and to oppress the progressive, anti-fascist and revolutionary movement in general under the name of attacking Kurdish and Alevi people. When Turkish workers and labourers stand up on the basis of the polarisations between the exploiters and the exploited, people and fascists and between the oppressors and the oppressed, they stand with their Kurdish working and labouring brothers shoulder to shoulder, while they become a kind of supplement to the racist-chauvinist front of fascism when they fall into the ruling ones' trap of polarisation between Turks-Kurds.
As put forward by the experiences of the last 40 years, in order to proceed, our revolution will face the problem to overcome the obstacle of such reactionary civil wars where capital and fascism lead politics with arms.
When talking about all these topics, the torture, assassinations, mass massacres, education of psychological war based on lies, the methods of organising the counter-guerrilla and other kinds of support given by US imperialism and Zionist Israel must not be forgotten.
Under the political conditions explained, it is a legitimate defensive position as well as a necessity for using the right of political struggle that the workers, the oppressed and their revolutionary vanguards apply means and methods of violence, as they face direct repression and violence by the state's official and unofficial forces, civil fascist apparatuses and gangs, in addition to the fascist laws and bans that tie their hands.
The extent and intensity of this depends on the violence of the fascist regime and its apparatuses, on the scope of the fascist laws and bans, and on what has been done to those responsible for torture, extra-judicial killings, rapists, forced disappearances, mass massacres and tyranny against our peoples.
These are the reasons, the content and the framework why our party uses means of violence yet during the preparation phase of the revolution, when there is no uprising coming closer or it does not aim to start an uprising in the near-term.
This can easily be understood when analysing the part about actions in the absurd indictment that charges the MLCP as a "terrorist organisation".
In the part between page 45 and 48 which is full of fiction explaining the so-called "sections" of our party, it says the following under the title "Red Detachments":
"The first important action of the Red Detachments was the attack with rocket launchers on the police station of Bagcilar, Istanbul on March 16, 1995."
The indictment does not show the ability of writing down the correct date of the action, but this is not important at all. The real problem is that there is no discussion in it about the reasons of the action that are announced to our peoples. However, if he were right, this discussion would have given the chance to the public prosecutor Ali Cengiz Haciosmanoglu defending this indictment to prove that our party is a "terrorist organisation". The same goes of course for all other actions. Why can such an approach not be used? Why does the power of the truth scare them so much?
Let us have a deeper look at "the first important action of the Red Detachments", as called with the words of the public prosecutor.
With a leaflet dated March 19, 1995, the MLCP announced that it had shot with flame thrower guns and destroyed the police station Yuzuncu Yil Kemalpasa at Bagcilar/Istanbul on the evening of March 18 in order to put forward its demand that the torturer superintendents and murderers who had planned and led the massacres of Gazi and Umraniye should be suspended and convicted, and that, in case there would be no suspension and conviction, its actions against the murderer herds would continue.
At this point, an answer is needed to the following question: Why not another target, but the police station Yuzuncu Yil at Bagcilar, Istanbul?
As it is possible to read in our party's leaflet, this police station was famous for torture in that region at that time!
The MLCP did not throw flame at any official institution but at a building of which it was revealed that torture was done inside; it did not do this as a goal in itself such as using flamethrower or realising a military action, but first of all as a necessity of the right of self-defence of our people and the oppressed against those who carried out the massacres in Gazi and Umraniye. Secondly, the action was realised in order to effectively remind the government of the revolutionary justice, which made tens of thousands of people's demands fall on deaf ears, continued with its policy of torture and massacres and protected the provocateurs of the counter-guerrilla and the offenders of the Gazi and Umraniye massacres. For this reason, the action of March 18 and other political stances that could be developed within the same scope were considered in our party's leaflet as "totally legitimate, ethical and necessary".
The state's counter-guerrilla gangs organised a provocative massacre in the Gazi quarter in the night of March 12 by opening fire into a café mainly visited by our Alevi people. The state's official forces, instead of cracking down on those responsible, opened fire on the workers, women, youth and labourers that took the streets to protest the attack and massacre and reached the number of tens of thousands on March 13. 18 of our people were killed in Gazi and Umraniye and dozens of them were injured. If all this is legitimate, then it is absolutely and thousand times more legitimate to use revolutionary violence in order to demand an end to the bloodshed and to demand the suspension and conviction of the fascist murderers. And additionally, the fascist regime has absolutely deserved it to be called "terrorist" because of its use of unethical and unjust violence.
Now let us ask: While the responsible forces and offenders of these attacks, where 18 women and men; 18 workers and oppressed people of different ages were killed, are openly known, was there any other result apart from legal proceedings against a few of those responsible, without even imprisoning them and without any sentence? And is it surprising that the workers and oppressed search for justice by using revolutionary violence, when this situation is not particular for the massacres of Gazi and Umraniye but it is the case for all even worse crimes against humanity committed by the state's official forces for political and social reasons?
When coming to this point, let us mention the following problem:
After March 1995, the governors and fascist police chiefs of Istanbul could not bear the role of our party in pushing back the provocative act in Gazi starting in the night of March 12, the uprising which lasted for many days, the organisation of mass actions in Istanbul and other cities against this fascist act and murder and its attack with flamethrowers on the police station Yuzuncu Yil at Bagcilar-Istanbul, which is a centre of torture. They did everything possible in order to take revenge for being caught red-handed and for the destruction of their anti-people plans. As a part of this, comrade Hasan Ocak was kidnapped on March 21, 1995, disappeared under police arrest, and killed under torture right after the Gazi uprising, for which it is said in the indictment that our party "was actively involved in the events and used arms against the police." Secondly, the frequently happening arrests and worse torture took place during the same period. Thirdly, as an abasing psychological method of war, there were claims and applications, as seen also in the documents of this file, such as sending the arms of the type Kalashnikov which were claimed to belong to our party "to ballistic analysis to find out if they were related to the shooting on cafes on March 12, 1995". Although starting from 1995 these embarrassing methods were fought off as a punch into their face at torture centres, it can be seen that the same counter-guerrilla tactics are continued to be applied. There is no doubt that they have not born and will not forget the facts that the provocative act in Gazi was fought off by turning it into a gun shooting fascism, and that the policy of forced disappearance was exposed in the same way and even caught in the very act, presenting the dictatorship's bloody face to everyone. They will not escape from this with the fascist and underhand psychological war methods of the counter-guerrilla. Here, we once again slap their provocative lies into their face. Those who badmouth our party in this way must not forget that they will render an account.
We continue with our topic after this parenthesis.
When our comrade Hasan Ocak was kidnapped, our party made use of different methods of struggle and organised every kind of protest action demanding that it should be announced to our people that this brave communist was under arrest. The fascist police chiefs, the governor, the Minister of Interior and the government first fell on deaf ears and then claimed that Hasan was not in the state's hands. Under these conditions, our party continued to raise its voice against the fascist regime's policy of forced disappearance as in the example of comrade Hasan Ocak. While it used peaceful forms of struggle on the one hand, it also started to use some forms of struggle based on violence on the other hand. The mentioned forms of struggle of revolutionary violence cannot be evaluated as "terrorism". On the contrary, if a person is kidnapped by the state's forces, tortured in the state's institutions, killed and his body thrown in the forest, buried at the cemetery for unidentified people claiming that he could not be identified despite his fingerprints taken at the police station, and if all this is denied, then it will be legitimate, ethical and necessary that the political struggle against forced disappearance covers revolutionary violence, too. If revolutionaries and a white haired mother are arrested because she tried to explain her case by shrieking in despair to prevent the killing of her son who was under arrest and if then, no investigation was started against those who committed a severe crime against humanity and are responsible for the murder of Hasan, there revolutionary violence will become a right. This is what our party's actions consist of. Each one's power of morality and justice is strong. For example, while still not having found the body of comrade Hasan, as part of the campaign "You took him alive, we want him back alive", bombs were put in cars parked at the multi-storey the parkade at Karakoy, Istanbul and at the parkade of the TV station of Star TV in Istanbul. Despite the spacious properties of these places, not even a single person's nose was bleeding, and the only reason for this is the information that was passed on via phone on time to the authorities of these places that the parcades had to be emptied immediately because of the bombs put there. This is how morality and justice were materialised at these just actions. Although all this was clearly stated to the working class and oppressed people in its statements and documents published by the MLCP since 1995, the public prosecutor accuses our party of having done "terror actions" instead of charging the torturing murderers, those responsible for forced disappearance and the state that directs all this; by that he openly shows the fascist regime's understanding of justice.
This situation can also be seen in the 37 revolutionary violent actions for which the MLCP took responsibility since 2005 and which are discussed in the indictment.
What is the political-ethical content of these actions? How carefully organised are they in terms of justice? How legitimate and just are they?
Public prosecutor Haciosmanoglu has registered 7 actions of graffiti, 41 actions of hanging up banners and bomb banners, 14 street actions, 4 attacks with petrol bombs, actions and 37 bombings since June 6, 2005 until September 8, 2006. Apart from this, 24 bombings for which the Armed Forces of the Poor and the Oppressed, shortly FESK, claimed responsibility were added to this list. (Besides, there are 4 accusations on the list; one of them hanging up banners; although no one has claimed responsibility for these actions, the writer of the indictment wants to put the blame for these on the MLCP.)
When we leave FESK on the side for now and look at the actions mentioned before for which our party claimed responsibility, we can see that all of them are deeply linked to the political and social topics of the working class and the oppressed. According to the facts given in the indictment, the topics of the actions are as the following:
Privatisations; demolition of shantyhouses; the new draft law about the general health insurance; layoffs; work-related accidents leading to death[37*]; the attacks of civil-fascist gangs; lynching provocations[38*]; the murders and the attacks on people's actions demanding justice organised after a counter-guerrilla unit had been caught red-handed in Semdinli realising an assassination with bombs; the killing of a group of Kurdish patriot guerrillas with dirty war methods that are considered a crime even by the international humanitarian law; the attack on the mass actions of the people of Diyarbakir and the killing of 4 children during these attacks; the isolation terror in the F type prisons; the death of voluntaries that went on death fasts; the brutal killing of 17 MKP leaders and militants at the Mercan valley of Dersim[42], among them the party's general secretary and our revolutionary comrade Cafer Cangoz; the killing of our revolutionary comrade Eyup Beyaz in Ankara while he was handcuffed[43]; the martyrs of the massacre in the prisons on December 19[44] and the death fast of [45]; the just demands of the migrant youth standing up in the ghettos of France; the continuing tyranny of the occupiers in Iraq and the attacks and massacres by Zionist Israel against the Palestinian people.
Even though the facts of the indictment are not enough to show the complete situation, they are enough to create a picture for us to understand the truth.
As seen, the topics of our party's actions were all reflecting the problems, demands and longings of the working class and oppressed at that time. The MLCP's way of political acting and existence or its understanding of political struggle can be understood very well by this photo. Nevertheless, public prosecutor Haciosmanoglu describes this truth, although falsified, on page 47 of the indictment as following:
"The terrorist organisation MLCP chose topics for its actions of the last years among the issues which were on the agenda of the public"!
We would like to remind Ali Cengiz Haciosmanoglu, who put his signature under the indictment, that the MLCP did not carry out political work and organise actions with "topics that were on the public's agenda" only during the "last years" but throughout the time of its existence. The reason is that our party has no other reason for its existence than the working class and oppressed people's demands and longings and the struggle for their liberation from exploitation, tyranny, poverty, unemployment, imperialist yoke, denial and colonialism.
The public prosecutor tries to say that the MLCP "is using these problems and demands" or, said in another way, that it is not the problems and demands of the working class and oppressed that condition the actions but that it is the MLCP that wants to realise actions and uses them as a pretext. Then, he has no word to say concerning the problems and demands that are the topics of the political activities and actions of the MLCP, but such absurdities and the class fear felt in the name of the capitalist system. The position of those who furiously accuse our party only proves the legitimacy of the revolutionary work carried out by the MLCP.
So, is it not true that the 37 bombing actions, for which the MLCP had taken the responsibility and that were listed in the indictment among the actions fulfilled during one year, are not justified only in terms of the content, but pay regard to the norms of morality and justice also in terms of the targets, casualties etc.? Is there any aspect that will have a negative impact on their legitimacy from this point of view?
These 37 actions came on the agenda essentially because of the attacks and massacres, the social tyranny such as layoffs and the prevention of the use of democratic rights by violence by the fascist regime, civil fascist gangs and bosses against the working class and our people. They were organised in the context of the right of defence and the demand of justice for the workers and the oppressed. And, in these actions, the nose of even one person that was not targeted did not bleed. So, these 37 actions reflect a legitimate political struggle regarding morality and justice, besides being justified in terms of the content. Leaving apart being justified in content and careful about morality and justice, there was not even one single mistake done unintentionally or due to personal faults or technical problems, which would require an excuse from the working class and the oppressed. It is impossible to hide all these facts in the indictment.
It is obvious that all these actions of revolutionary violence are related to the necessities of an armed insurrection of the peoples or a civil war not in the manner claimed by the public prosecutor, they are a part of our party's political activity during the preparation phase of the revolution and they absolutely carry a political-military character. And these political-military actions have been kneaded with the strong ferment of justness, morality and justice.
The words "terror actions" and "terror organisation" that are used in the indictment for defining our party and its actions of revolutionary violence and that are the expression of the bourgeoisie's hypocrisy are so ridiculous and poor that they fade in the face of the truth, leaving no need for too many words.
And even more important, it must be known that the vanguard sectors of the working class and the oppressed have criticised the MLCP not for these actions but for not having used forms of revolutionary violence even more influentially, frequently and to a larger extent. What else than the extent and frequency of the fascist-reactionary violence and never-ending injustices applied by the state, the civil fascists and bourgeoisie of whom they witness, face or watch another example every day such as everybody made them think and feel in this way?

***

31* What is meant by the term "civil fascists" is the fascist organisations such as the MHP (National Movement Party), Centres of the Idealist Youth (the youth of the MHP), the BBP (Party of the Great Unity) and etc, which were organised as a counter-guerrilla force in the 1960s also with the support of the USA. The militants were educated in Israeli camps. They have committed many counter-guerrilla massacres and murders, provocative actions etc. as a paramilitary force. The term "civil" is used to distinguish the official forces of the fascist state and this kind of fascist parties.
32* What is meant by the "events from 1921 to 1938" are the Kurdish uprisings beginning from the Kocgiri revolt to the Dersim revolt.
33* Vehbi Koc is the founder and owner of the Koc Group, one of the two biggest enterprises in Turkey. Koc Group is also among the world's 200 largest enterprises.
34* Thousands of murders committed against revolutionaries, intellectuals, and even more intensely, during the dirty war against Kurdish patriots were announced as "murders by unknown assailants", although it was publicly very well known that these were committed by the counter-guerrilla forces of the state.
35* On April 18, 2007, three employees of the Bible publishing house Zirve in Malatya were attacked, tortured and murdered. Two of them were Turkish converts from Islam and the third one was a German citizen. The assailants were announced as Islamists. It is also known that the murderers are related with the counter-guerrilla.
36* Alaatin Cakici and Sedat Peker are among the foremost persons of the MHP-related mafia. Their relations with many police chiefs and state authorities have come into open. Cakici was arrested several times but he escaped from the prison each time with the help of the state.
37* In Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, work-related accidents are called "work-related murders" by the workers and trade unions in order to expose the lies of the bosses and the state that these deaths come out of coincidences and accidents and not of the lack of labour safety measures.
38* Lynching provocations against revolutionaries and Kurdish patriots incited or directly organised by the state has spread to all parts of Turkey in the recent period. In this kind of provocations, hundreds to thousands of people have attacked the persons who are made a target by the chauvinist provocation of some civil fascists. In general, young and unemployed people are mobilised for these attacks. The state has taken no measures against the responsible ones and moreover, in many cases, the state authorities have announced their sympathy towards "sensitive citizens" who are involved in such attacks.