THE IMPERIALIST GLOBALIZATION ATTACKS AND DEVELOPING STRUGGLE AGAINST IT
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After the anti-fascist and peace movement that was organized by the parties of 3rd International and trade unions in the years of 1930s, the democracy and peace movement which started at the second half of the 1940s and continued by strengthening until the second half of 1950s and was led by the socialist countries and communist parties, the anti-imperialist movement that reached a peak in 1968, and the peace and disarmament movement that developed under the influence of revisionist countries of SU and East Europe and which was especially on the agenda in the years of 1980s, there is a new movement with a characteristic of different "leadership" start developing. This movement, which appeared in the struggle against the attacks and policies of the imperialist globalization and its concrete tools "Holy Trinity Alliance"; IMF, World Bank (WB) and World Trade Organization (WTO) and which gradually start influencing 100 thousands of people on international scale, is being defined as the "Anti-Globalization Movement".

The spontaneous unity actions of the local and other local movements, which gradually become international, are expressing the today's "Anti-Globalization Movement". The reaction against the IMF, WB, WTO and multinational monopolies in this or that country of the world, at the end turns into a massive international movement: Seattle, Washington, Brussels, Melbourne, Gotebourg, Davos, Prag, Geneva and Florence show the growing international dimension of this movement, and the content of the actions is informing about the class structure of the movement.

That is to say that this Movement is an expression of unification of the protest actions, which started in different countries on the basis of different reasons against neoliberal attacks and IMF, WB and WTO, on international plan, and it actually is an international protest movement.

As their programs in operation show, this "holly trinity alliance", which consists of the IMF, WB and WTO, is an expression of indispensability for the multinational monopolies and imperialist countries in plundering whole world. By its activities, this "trinity" sets all social classes and stratums against themselves, except for the imperialist bourgeoisie. There is a contradiction between the "trinity alliance" and whole world and nature: This alliance, which destroys humanity as productive force, at the same time destroys the nature also. The worldwide working class, toiling masses and in addition to that also the circles of non-monopole bourgeoisie, come face to face with the "trinity" in every sphere of the production and social life; at frequent intervals. The interests of the imperialist countries and monopoly capital are lying in the privatization, fixation of financial policies, regulation of foreign trade, seizure of social rights, fire from the work, continuity of destruction of nature, environmental pollution and particularly the direction of production in social sphere. And these interests are expressed by the IMF, WB and WTO. Therefore, millions of people are coming face to face with these three organizations, but not directly with the imperialism or American, German, Japan, France etc. imperialists. The workers, peasants, intellectuals, youth, in other terms; the trade unions, political parties, organizations, groupings, associations to protect animals, women organizations, NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), "civil" organizations, youth organizations, initiative groups, citizen organizations, churches (i.e. religious sects), universities, political trends are taking part in the struggle against this "trinity alliance" at this or that shape.

When we look at the political content of the protests participated by hundred thousands from MAI protests to Seattle, Davos to Prag, Geneva to Florence we see that the millions of people in the whole world are showing global reaction against the international capitalism and the internationalized movement of the capital because they are convinced that the activities of the IMF, WB and WTO are not reconcilable with democracy, but run counter to social rights, they provide profit to multinational monopolies directly from plunder, violation of human rights and without taking health and environmental issues into consideration, they cause to poverty, striking inequality and use of force in the new-colony countries, and turn everything living into a merchandise, and they make humanity futureless and estrange to himself. The movement against the imperialist globalization wants to set a limit to the imperialist exploitation and arbitrary, and to stop imperialist aggression.

This international mass movement is a mass movement that develops against the imperialist globalization and imperialist war aggression. It is the expression of an anger and accumulation revealed through destruction and damage created by the neoliberal attacks, which spread into the time and carry different reflections in each country, on economical and social field. It targets the imperialist monopolies and institutions. This movement has united with the movement against the imperialist war, and become a more massed and worldwide movement by involving its predecessor movement also. Because of its present state, the aims become more concrete and the participation was carried out in more prepared and organized manner. So, therefore, this movement is not "solely" a movement against the imperialist war, but also includes the struggles of the millions against the neoliberal attacks and policies of the imperialist-capitalism. It is an incomplete anti-imperialist movement.

The movement's influence and the desire and fermentation to struggle that it has created on the mass consciousness in the world cannot be ignored. Previously, the anti-imperialist struggle was identified with the "national independence" struggles of the new-colony, colony and oppressed peoples. But today, the struggle against the IMF, WB and WTO as well as the imperialist war and occupation is, directly or indirectly, an anti-imperialist struggle.

This massive international protesting movement is international. Because their demands are common. It targets the imperialist aggression and war, capitalism's neoliberal attacks and policies. The methods and forms of the struggle are similar. It has been organized under the form of co-ordinations and platforms in the countries, regions and world wide. It applies similar methods of struggle such as demonstration, refuse to work and general strike. It fought and is still fighting against the USA imperialism's war on Iraq. Its actions are taking place simultaneous, regional and worldwide. And they represent the spontaneous, unified struggle of the workers and toilers from all nations and nationalities, and oppressed classes from the below.

The Such and similar demands or, in general, the main demands of the "anti-globalization movement" does not target the imperialism and capitalism as a system, which is the reason of all these problems and contradictions. It doesn't consider the destroying of capitalism as the only way to escape from these problems and to solve contradictions. The "anti-globalization" is being limited with reformism by overwhelming majority of the participants of this movement and its components. Only the revolutionaries and communists are staying out of this scope.

Yet, the problem is the problems of capitalism; contradictions of imperialism and internationalization of the capital. That is to say that, in the concretized situation, the IMF, WB and WTO is taking the place of the term of capitalism and imperialism. And, in terms of concretizing the imperialism, it is right to target these organizations. But this must be announced; that is to say, it must be announced that the IMF, WB and WTO are the concrete expression of the imperialism, monopoly capitalism. So, not-doing this is the greatest mistake.

The essential thing for the overwhelming majority of the groupings participating in the "anti-globalization movement" is the wish and search for the people to have their own control upon their living conditions back "again". On this meaning, it is expressing integrity in terms of the concept of search, but it is not at all integral on the basis of the content of the concept; every component of the movement shows different approach to the question.

The important thing is to be against the "globalization", that is to say, the internationalization of the capital. The important thing is to develop the movement against the "globalization". Although it is being discussed, the question of how "anti-globalization movement" is going to be developed from the below and how is it going to be organized is not considered as the binding matter. The understanding is very simple: Everyone who is against the IMF, WB and WTO can develop the protesting movement in the place where they stay. Everybody can protest the IMF, WB and WTO in accordance with their own perspectives and the anti-globalization can be continued in such way. Shortly, it is completely a spontaneous attitude that dominates within the movement in terms of organization, politics and ideology.

The bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology is determining within the "anti- globalization movement", and it has been shaped in accordance with the reformist policies. But, the movement does not have an organizational, hierarchical structure. Each important components of the movement are representing the alternative political positions only by themselves and tries to dominate their own understandings within the movement.

We see that the forces who unite action to action, for example in Seattle, Melbourne, Davos, Prag, Goteburg, Geneva, Florence are constituted from quite different trends: All colors of petty-bourgeois organizations, radical petty-bourgeois trends; anarchists from all colors, Trotskyites, from "leftist" parts of the workers' movement to reformist, trade-unionist and centrist forces; so-called "leftist" parts of the bourgeois "worker" parties in the imperialist countries, certain parts of the social democrats, youth organizations, organizations of petty and middle peasantry; NGOs, ecological groupings and parties, feminist organizations, individuals (intellectuals, philosophers, teachers etc.) and communists.

The "anti-globalization movement" has also developed its specific forms of organization methods. Its main organizational method is the Social Forum.

When we think about the organization form of the "anti-globalization movement", the Porto Alegre quickly comes on our minds. Porto Alegre; the World Social Forum has become a center of the attraction for components of the "anti-globalization movement". The political trends, those considering bourgeois institutions as allies, have start coming forward in Porto Alegre. Moreover, this movement's European orientated reformist wing have found it right to hitch this movement to EU's (European Union) foreign policy.

In Porto Alegre, the following message has been given to the imperialist powers: We are a power and you have to speak and agree with us. And later, the imperialist bourgeoisie who took lesson from Seattle has showed that they are not reluctant to talk with reformist wing of the movement. In fact, the "anti-globalization movement" has created its own bureaucracy, sent its experts to the meetings and, thus, displayed that the reconciliation of differences is the only understanding of the struggle. This was the point where spontaneous reformist movement could reach, and it reached there.

There is no doubt that the creation of Porto Alegre (World Social Forum) cannot be denied and minimized. Many activists want to discuss the problems of the movement and find solutions, and therefore, doesn't matter if they want to or not, they listen expectantly and follow every development about the question in Porto Alegre or other places. Porto Alegre or other places, where the problems of the movement are discussed, are a podium or platform. For that reason, they can not be neglected and minimized. But, the international revolutionary and communist movement was not able to use this podium and still not using it. If we put some of the parties and groups out of the question, both as the international groupings and as the single parties they have shown a practice contending with watching, following and recording. This podium has been used constantly by the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois reformist trends. This was the case in the World Social Forum (Porto Alegre) and the European Social Forum (Florence). Because, the alternative forces, who could use the podium and refute systemic thoughts, that is to say, the real revolutionary and communist forces were not there or were in audience positions. However, the "anti-globalization movement" should have gone further then Porto Alegre. It should have been pulled forward. But it couldn't go further.

The thought of forming regional social forums was expressed in Porto Alegre. The European Social Forum came into being in Florence as the reflection of the European "anti-globalization movement". Social Forums have been considered as a tool for development of the "anti-globalization movement", and for that reason, social forums have been founded not only on the basis of countries, but also on regional and continental level. The social forums in everywhere have turned into a discussion field of the political groups and trends who want to set hegemony on the "anti-globalization movement". This is the case in everywhere.

The World Social Forum (WSF) and European Social Forum (ESF) do not carry any meaning except being a worldwide forum of the civil society. Their pragmatist understandings are projecting the domination of the liberal bourgeois and reformist petty-bourgeois forces within the "anti-globalization movement". And, leaving the development of the movement towards anti-capitalist direction aside, the movement's development towards anti-imperialism is also being plugged by the leadership and domination.

ATTAC ("Association For Taxation Of Financial Transactions For The Aid Of Citizens") is the one of the most important components of the "anti-globalization movement". This organization demands control of the movement of capital. This is the one that comes first to our minds when we talk about "anti-globalization movement" in France and Germany. Therefore, the ATTAC is equating with the movement. The ATTAC, which is formed as the result of efforts by the circle around the Le Monde Diplomatique, is the favorite of the movement.

Good-willing people who want to do something against hunger and misery! Good-willing people who express the feelings of people whose hearts are wrenched upon the misery of the poor, plundered people, people starving and the ones left their countries because of economical and political reasons! This is ATTAC. ATTAC has gradually gained sympathy from more and more groupings. This is because it addresses to the masses under the influence of reformism and pacifism, and, instead of class struggle, it takes class reconciliation as essential. All suggestions of the ATTAC are realistic political, they can be realized in the existing system.

ATTAC defends control of the movement of capital. Therefore, as a first step, it demands the speculative capital, that is in continual circulation worldwide, to be taxed. It says, the capital should be subjected to taxation every time when it goes out of one country.

According to the understanding, which putted forward by the American economist Tobin and because of that its called "Tobin-Tax", the international movement of the capital will be made difficult by increasing the price of global transfer. Thus, the capital, that's continually in circulation and looking for speculative sphere or that causes the speculation, is going to be obstructed. ATTAC is, in essence, fighting against the international movement of the capital with the "weapon" of "Tobin-Tax"! This is what it essentially understands from the anti-globalization struggle.

In France, ATTAC is a melting pot where people those directly affected from the internationalization of the capital and exploitation gathered. The people who are homeless, unemployed, the illegal immigrants, the petty and middle peasantry struggling against the EU's and WTO's policies on agriculture, the people who are organized here or there and the unorganized people are coming together under the umbrella of ATTAC.

One of the leading representatives/founders of the ATTAC, Vincent Espagne, suggests international organizations such as "Security Council", "International Environment Agency", "International and Independent Economy Court" to make better and efficient control on the world economy and trade, and defends following understanding: "We are not against the globalization. We are only against the liberal globalization. And we are not against the World Trade Organization also. We only want its rules to be in harmony with the human rights". According to the people from ATTAC, withdrawing from the "World Trade Organization" is a foolish behavior, withdrawing into the shell is a catastrophe and this will be synonymous with isolating oneself. According to the thought that constitutes the basis of this opinion, it is, supposedly, possible to return to the old forms of the "market economy" based on the principles of equality. Because of that, the power of the monopolies shall be rejected.

ATTAC doesn't want to do anything than calling ruling classes to act clever. Furthermore, it spreads illusions about the imperialist state. For example, the famous member of the ATTAC in Germany, social democrat Oskar Lafontaine speaks very clearly on the subject of state: "The state is us".

According to the ATTAC, the measures taken by the President of USA, W. Bush, just after the September 11 attack, to take economy out of crisis are correct. About this, "Bush have never been close to ATTAC as he's today", says Bernd Cassen, one of the founders of ATTAC. The attempts of Bush "to dry tax-oasis" and to make efficient control on some of the speculation methods "in the frame of fight against terrorism" fit into the thoughts defended by ATTAC. The vice-president of ATTAC-France, Susan George once said: "George Bush himself has understood the badness of the tax-oasis for economy. Thanks George Bush! You have shown that it is correct to put ATTAC's program into practice". For ATTAC, the measures taken by the imperialist state to save monopolies are a progressive move and a perspective in struggle.

It is also very interesting that the ATTAC does not have criticism on the "war against terrorism". The struggle against capitalism is not the important thing for ATTAC. It didn't develope a program for that. The important thing for ATTAC is to make system operate again.

In a discussion with the right-wing economist Thomas L. Friedman, the president of ATTAC-France, Ramonet explains the valve-role of ATTAC in the face of developing displeasure in following words: "Millions of people worldwide are, doubtlessly, ready to set barricades and apply violence to quench their basic needs. Such solution makes me sad. If we can be clever, this will not be the case. Why we shouldn't give small part of the world richness to the 'damned of the world'?85What we can do? How we can prevent half of the humanity from uprising and applying violence?"

By reforming it, ATTAC is trying to show the imperialist state as a trustable organization in the eyes of the large masses and as an organization where people can take refuge. This is the historical mission of ATTAC.

The number of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) has fairly increased in recent years. It's being estimated that there are 30 thousand NGOs round the world for today. There are organizations, which have got giant organizational structure and important financial resources, such as Greenpeace, ME9decines sans frontiers, Save the Children and Amnesty International in between them also.

In recent years, these organizations became so important. Because, both in imperialist countries and dependent countries, the states start heading towards cutting their support on the social institutions and subsidies. Since poverty, unemployment and social discontentment becomes more deepened and increased worldwide, they also open wide areas for such organizations to act. These organizations are consciously supported especially by the imperialist states in their activities. For example, the organization called "U.S. Wildlife Fund" gets half of its budget from the American state. Moreover, many states in the new-colonies are also being obligated to support NGOs and take their point of views just as the consultations with the IMF and WB.

The widespread NGOs, at the same time, come to the meaning of increased spreading of understanding of civil society.

The trend of sivil toplumculuk (an ideology that defends civil society - in Turkish) is essentially a bourgeois liberal understanding. This understanding has been actualized especially after the II. World War by the bourgeois ideologists as an alternative of socialism. The sivil toplumculuk trend does not recognize the existence of different classes whose interests are antagonist, and restricts itself with the eradication of visible weaknesses and correction of wrongdoings in the system. That is to say, it is the reformism itself. Because of this kind of particularities of it, the sivil toplumculuk trend can not see the real reason of the repression and exploitation.

The reformist understandings are the political and theoretical obstructions that stand in front of the development of the "anti-globalization movement" as an anti-imperialist and also anti-capitalist movement. However, it is not a difficult mathematical equitation; everybody knows whose organization the UN is and who rules it. And it is also very well known of which powers are exploiting the new-colony and depended countries. Despite all that, they are forwarding reformist illusions and stop revolutionary development of the movement which is joined by millions of people, and block and narrow it within a sphere that could be accepted by the imperialist bourgeoisie!

Almost all components of the movement, from anarchists to reformists, environmentalists to feminists are uniting on denying the importance of theory and practice of the working class and its party in the overthrow of existing system. The petty-bourgeois, reformist and populist organizations who share the mentioned opinion are setting their seal on the "anti-globalization movement".

Other components of the movement such as localism; defenders of local "economy" and returnees to genuine; existentialists want to take world history 200-300 years back and imagine the petty production, the production relations of those dates.

The anarchist and independents are against the organization, so to the organized struggle, in principle. For them, the organized mass struggle is an expression of "authoritarianism", "anti-democracy" and it's oppression for "individual". These so-called radicals defend "free individualism". They don't see any difference between seizure of the power by the proletariat and building its dictatorship and domination of the capital/bourgeoisie.

The Trotskyite groups do not have courage to defend Trotskyism in the movement. They are aiming to get hold of the movement by infiltrating into movement. They defend the most backward demands and are leader in mass tailing. In the movement, they are relying on to the "entrism" and struggling against the Marxism with all their strengths.

The ideology that sets its seal on this movement is the petty-bourgeois reformism. The movement's struggle against the monopolies, IMF, WB and WTO essentially reflects the petty-bourgeois reformism's opinion on the "anti-imperialist" struggle. It is expressing the pacifist, legalist and reformist petty-bourgeois's criticism on imperialism which becomes concrete upon the IMF, WB, WTO and monopolies, but not the radical, revolutionary petty-bourgeoisie.

Their criticisms are inconsistent; don't have efficiency, mortal impact. Because they are addressing to powers who rob millions of people; who don't think anything else than profit and more profit and who won't be able to act different than what they have done; who drive humanity and nature to catastrophe.

Their criticisms are reactionary, because they don't promise a future for humanity. In our day, the petty-bourgeoisie, whose imaginative power is so strong, defends capitalism without monopolies and thinks that it could make petty production dominant and could give an answer with the internationalization from the below against the internationalization and international organization of the monopolies. The petty-bourgeoisie hates from the international institutions (IMF, WB, and WTO), international organization of the monopole capital, but regards property and market as divine! Instead of Marxist theory; making search to find reasons of the social movement and its transformation; comprehensive investigation of the changes in the production style; making search to find tools to overthrow contradictions, they are turning their back to the contradictions of the world they live. They tend to create their imaginary world in the same conditions, and try to explain the social existence of mankind by consciousness, and suppose that the "badness" and illness of the imperialist reality can be cured through absurd arguments they put forward. There is nothing revolutionary in their thoughts and theories.

The fact of imperialist state's plunder, domination and occupation of other countries has displayed the foundation thesis and thoughts, fundamental reformism of the leading theoreticians of the "anti-globalization movement". The life itself is proving the mistake of writers such as Susan George, Toni Negri, Ignacio Ramonet, Robert Korten etc. Because, the thought of creation (it's as if it doesn't exists) of a world market (contrary to defenders of local market) and the market's central role must be the abolishment of the poverty and inequality, is a utopia, anachronism.

These writers and all reformist groupings who are giving direction to the "anti-globalization movement" as a whole, are interpreting the relations between the imperialist state and monopolies; the understanding that says the imperialist state serves to the monopolies, totally wrong. According to their understanding; the state must not be serving to the monopolies, other countries must not be occupied, millions of people must not be suffering from misery, and millions of people must not be migrated because of political and economical reasons. But, unfortunately, we are experiencing a process that denies such understandings. These writers are trying to hide the reality of the relation (like two sides of one coin) between the imperialist state and monopolies, and make us believe that the subjects which are criticized by them can be solved by some rectification.

These efforts of them not only raise the reformist illusions, but also serve consciously to the obstruction of anti-imperialist development of the international mass movement.

The "anti-globalization movement" as a social movement has put millions of people into motion, carried the consciousness of necessity of change to the millions. Organizations those taking part in the movement have got their programs and initiative groups have got their platforms. But all these do not make the movement alternative against the capitalist system. Because, the forces that are active in the movement does not understands the characteristics and contradiction of the capitalist system.

Moreover, there is a competition taking place for political leadership between the groups. That is to say, the movement does not have political unity and, in these circumstances, it is not possible to achieve political unity.

Of course there is no doubt that there are "radical" elements in the actions and programmatic understandings of various groups taking part in the movement. But these are limited with petty-bourgeois understandings and using force that is broken off from the aim.

In the movement, efforts to unite masses in a anti-imperialist platform are very weak. It is not possible to build the movement as a democratic and anti-imperialist mass movement with the leadership of existing forces who are taking part in the movement.

IS IT REFORM OR REVOLUTION?

(The future of "Anti-Globalization Movement")

The crisis of "Anti-Globalization Movement": Together with its foundation, the "Anti-Globalization Movement" has came face to face with a dilemma which all social movements come face to face in the capitalism: Either all principle understandings, political direction, class base is going to be throw away and only the number of masses is going to be the most important thing, that is to say, the worship on the number of masses and spontaneous action is going to be taken as the base, or some principles, political direction is going to be taken as the base and lean on to the certain class structure. In the second case, the struggle for the real solution of the problems which caused the birth of the movement and the sources of these problems will be criticized, and the importance will be given to the quality instead of quantity. The "Anti-Globalization Movement" has chosen the first path. In fact, it was forced to choose it. Because, the class and political understandings of the forces, who played a role in the creation of the movement, did not leave any other choices.

The dilemma of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" is also showing that it carries the elements of crisis since its creation. This reality was also seen by the components of the movement. But the excited mood, the greatness of the expectations at the beginning, have always pushed thoughts upon the subject to the back. When rising and excitement process weakened; the greatness of gap between the expectations, demands and achievements appeared, the components of the movement start talking upon themselves in the meetings which were supposed to be serving to the development and organization of the movement.

The division of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" or the difference between its components has shown itself in the attitude taken against the war. Especially the attitude of being against the war in imperialist countries, at the same time, in terms of political attitude, was coming to meaning of being separated from the forces who were under the influence of and believing to the imperialist bourgeoisie's propagandas. After the September 11 attack, when imperialist propaganda showed its influence, some of the components of the "anti-globalization movement" don't succeed anymore in being against the war, to take side with the oppressed Muslim peoples; to stand against the imperialist banditry and barbarism. Therefore, the understanding to be satisfied with some statements has become more important in the fight against the war. For example, such tendency has been seen very clearly at the attitudes of trade unions. So much so that, instead of struggle to stop the war, they have shown a practice waiting for the war to come out of the agenda and restart the struggle against the international monopolies in the known concept and style.

However, during the war the only criteria and practice of being democrat is standing against the imperialist war, and this would also be the only assurance of the struggle of the masses for their demands and future.

Some parts of the Movement somehow didn't and is still not understanding that the struggle against "holy alliance", at the same time is a struggle against the imperialist war, or the struggle against the imperialist war also is a struggle against "holy alliance". The 'Anti-Globalization Movement's attitude against the war just after the September 11 was fully pacifist as today. The war has been rejected in general and without making just or unjust separations. After the defeat of Taliban (now Iraq) the uncolored attitude against the war has also scraped off the street.

As a result:

This movement has gradually developed and gained strength after a protest action against the WTO in Seattle that participated by thousands of people from different organizations, initiative groups and trade unions. This movement, in fact, occurred from the unification of many different protests in the countries dependent of the imperialism. Following the collapse of the social imperialist Soviet Union and leading revisionist block, desperate revisionist parties and mass organizations dispersed, and the traditional mass organizations of workers movement became ineffective, therefore this movement became center of attention for many "leftists" in the western world (EU and USA).

It is not for nothing that the "Anti-Globalization Movement" has been defined as the "movement of movements" since Seattle. This definition is correct. It is obviously a movement of movements, an International Protest Movement. Politically, it is rather a heterogeneous movement. Therefore, it is also rather difficult to categorize it anyhow. When we consider it historically, we will see that every movement during their foundation and development period will be influenced in terms of content by so many different and wide political thoughts and groups. Each grouping will carry their point of view, the organization and struggle understanding to the movement and will try to influence it. It's natural also. And this was the case in the "Anti-Globalization Movement". The movement's formation has also determined by the political tendencies that forms it. And today we are seeing that the movement is at the hands of the reformist forces.

However, the discussion, which would determine the direction of the movement to develop, has not started yet on the real meaning. This discussion will take place between the reformist tendencies those who are dominant in the movement and revolutionary/communist forces. But, the present discussion in the movement is essentially a discussion in between the reformist forces. And this drives movement to the tendencies such as people who are against the war, people who are against the EU and people who are traditionally against "anti-globalization".

* This movement is objectively internationalist, but transnational in actual fact. This movement objectively has to be revolutionary, but actually it is reformist. This movement is objectively anti-imperialist, but this side of it has always been pushed behind by the dominant reformist forces.

* This movement don't see and doesn't want to see that the capitalist method of production does not have ability to end its own contradictions, on the contrary it produce the material conditions for contradictions to be more sharpen, that is to say that the system does not have ability to renew itself.

* This movement don't see and doesn't want to see that, it doesn't matter how much its being reformed, the capitalist method of production and also the market, wage, profit, exploitation and etc. can not be subjected to social aims, it is incongruous with the nature of the capital.

* Because of same reasons, the "Anti-Globalization Movement" does not understands that it is not possible to create a system that takes equality, solidarity as essential, where monopolies doesn't exist, the petty production is dominant and the money, exploitation is not so important, by exceeding/ destroying capitalism.

* This movement is looking for "possibility of an another world" within the bourgeois democracy and, at the same time, it doesn't see that the reasons creating the "globalization" have appeared as the results of this democracy.

* So, the movement doesn't want to understand that the capitalist system doesn't have any chance to be transformed into another system by inner-development or exceeding itself; there is no possibility, which would correspond with the opinions of the groupings participating in the movement.

* This movement doesn't want to understand that the capital would not be able to do anything else than its own conditions to grow and these conditions, at the same time, are the conditions of the "globalization".

* This movement sees perfectly good that, for today, 65 thousand international monopolies and only about 100-150 monopolies in between them are playing with the future of entire humanity, but it doesn't comprehend that the struggle against super monopolies is the struggle against the existing system which bring them into existence; the struggle against capitalism. On the contrary, it tries to obstruct the understanding in such way with its reformism and thinks that it may can reform the system.

* This movement perceives the "globalization", which is the reason of its existence", as a new level, a new fact of capitalism. Yet the "globalization"; internationalization of the capital is not a unknown or new development of the capitalism. A capitalism that is non-global is unthinkable. If so, the global capitalism is not a new phenomenon. If so, the thing that is expressed as "globalization" is nothing else than the process of intensification and centralization of the capital, which is peculiar to the method of capitalist production and seen always. And this process exists since the formation of capitalism as a system. After the free-rivalry period of the capitalism, that is to say, since the imperialist stage of capitalism, the new thing is imperialist globalization that we know for about 100 years. However, this movement does not understand that the capitalism is in the trade of labor power, money, production and raw material since its existence as a system.

* This movement thinks that the neo-liberalism is a product of wrong politics. But, the neo-liberalism is a doctrine of bourgeois politic-economy that is in operation at present.

* This movement does not criticize the capitalism as a whole, but contrarily it criticizes some of its aspects and phenomenon those in forefront. According to the movement, its as if, the exploitation and plunder exists only in "third world" countries. The exploitation and plunder in the imperialist countries does not interest them. Thus, this movement reduces the division of the world into two camps as exploiters and exploited to "North-South Contradiction", that is to say, to known social democrat and over classes understanding.

* The movement defends that the "globalization" with financial markets and giant monopolies is destroying the peoples right to take decision on their own, the democratic institutions and the sovereign state. Thus, the movement defends that the people could have right to take decision on their own in capitalism. They are of the opinion that not the bourgeoisie but the wide masses could democratize some of the institutions and provide sovereignty of the state.

* The "Anti-Globalization Movement" defends "globalization" to be more just. It considers that, in the capitalism, it is possible to reform and democratize international institutions such as WB, IMF and WTO, to clamp down and control international monopolies.

* The movement defends "honest" and "honorable trade" but not the "free trade".

* According to the "Anti-Globalization Movement's" leading components, the bourgeois state is everything. According to the movement, the "humanist", "democratic", "peaceful", "just" and "social" capitalism do exists. So, there must be a "humanist", "democratic", "peaceful", "just" and "social" state also, if not, we must struggle to recreate it. It's as if there was such a development once in the history of humanity and they want to re-institutionalize it!

* According to the some components of the movements, the global capitalism is a "bad" capitalism and it must be struggled. And the "good" capitalism is the "local capitalism". There must be a struggle to found "local capitalism". That is to say, one must take aside with petty capital against the big capital. The objective laws of the movement of capital don't mean anything for them. What is being meant by "Another world is possible", "another globalization" and "globalization from the below" is the defense of the petty (national) capital, the "local capitalism", and yes idealized capitalism. What a brave imagination!

* This movement defends "social state" in principles. It is spreading the illusion of that the state can be controlled by laws, taxes and thus the capitalist barbarism can be clamp down.

* The movement shows the bourgeois society different than what is in real; tries to put on millions mind that there is a contradiction between the bourgeois state and capital. According to the movement, the bourgeois state; in fact social state, is a state that exists for the "welfare" of the citizens. Therefore, the state must be reformed, and the parties and politicians those who are causing misinterpretation of the state must be criticized. It is not accidental that all the calls made by ATTAC and all other leading reformist components of the movement are addressed to the parties and politicians.

* In this manner, the movement does not make the legitimacy of the bourgeois domination as the subject of a discussion. On the contrary, it accepts this legitimacy and thinks that the demanded reforms can be realized and a democratic life and production controlled from the below in the bourgeois relations of production and property could be provided by applying pressure of the giant show of force.

Our world needs revolutionary thoughts, revolutionary theory and

revolutionary action.

The only way to hinder this movement to end up like previous ones is the revolutionary and communist leadership.

For many years, the international mass movement have marched under the influence of the reformists and spontaneously. The revolutionary and communist movements do have determining role in this. Because, it didn't carry out its historical and political duties. It was really necessary to make influential and revolutionary intervention to the wave of international mass movement which was growing like a snow ball. But the revolutionary movement didn't succeed in this. Yet, the movement was carrying important revolutionary dynamics, conditions and elements. And the subjects of the historical action were presenting opportunities for revolutionary and communist parties to form, produce themselves and to realize their programs. There was a strong ground to advance revolutionary tactic, slogan and calls, and revolutionary work. The process still waits for a revolutionary intervention.

Lenin said: "there will not be revolutionary action without revolutionary theory". We are seeing the correctness of the above sentence at the development course of the "Anti-Globalization Movement". The international revolutionary and communist movement has shown no interest to the movement and it became almost an audience of the developments. Although it saw the reformist and spontaneous character of the movement, it didn't tackle it political and theoretically. And thus, it couldn't make leadership or become a vanguard in clearing the way of the masses counted by millions.

The reformists have determined the agenda. Revolutionary and communist parties had have to keep in step with that agenda. That is to say that they have contented with participating into the actions organized by the movement. Of course, the dispersed situation of the international revolutionary and communist and workers' movement, the effects of the developments after the disintegration of the social imperialist Soviet Union and revisionist block, and the imperialist bourgeoisie's heavy anticommunist attacks can not be minimized in appearance of such situation. Loosing force, weakening of believe on the socialist theory, theoretical and organizational liquidation under the name of re-thinking etc. etc. The international revolutionary and communist movement, in any case, did not tackle the movement on the basis of criticisms. It did not concentrate theoretically and practically on the destructive effects of reformists, anarchists and Trotskyites in the movement, which developed externally but, also affected it.

The "Anti-Globalization Movement is a rainbow movement. And always there is a need for an ideological and political struggle from the inside. Looking at the development of the "Anti-Globalization Movement", Porto Alegre and later developments, and the alliance efforts, one will see that lack of ideology becomes ideology, lack of theory becomes theory and lack of principle becomes principle. This is what especially was wanted by the leading personalities of the movement; the reformist forces. Because, in this manner, the movement's integration to the bourgeois institutions or turning into full bourgeoisie is going to be more easy, and going beyond the borders of the bourgeois system is going to be more difficult. Therefore, the political education process, the political organization process in the movement, and the movement's organization level have been hindered in different ways.

Why and on what degree does this movement, which developed in the last 10 years against the internationalized capitalism; imperialism at giant levels, and organized tremendous demonstrations from Seattle to Florence, is international? Imperialism is an expression of the creation of the world economy through connection of single country economies to each others. In the imperialist age, the capitalist production is international. The capitalist production is international independently from the development degree of internationalization. In today's internationalization process, the national borders have become unimportant and the world politics and world economy start directly effecting the conjectural developments in this or that country. So naturally, the internationalized capitalism has also internationalized its own contradictions. As a result of this, an international movement was born against these contradictions; international problems of the capitalism. The international capitalism has caused to appearance of the international movement. This movement is the first real and massive international and internationalist movement of the last years, on the basis of reaction against international monopolies and that goes beyond the borders of national states.

What are the factors that determine whether the movement is progressive, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist or not? Doubtlessly, it depends on how and under which class basis its content being dealt. Many fascist and reactionary organizations are also using anti-monopolist and anti-imperialist words and want to get into the movement. "Anti-Globalization Movement" under their influence, it does not matter how much its being dealt correctly in the content, can not be evaluated as progressive, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist. In this case, the thing that makes determination is the class content, thoughts and policies of the participants of the movement; the class position of the forces those who set their marks on the leadership of the movement. The petty-bourgeois class characters and policies of the forces leading the movement have also brought movement to be petty-bourgeois and spontaneous. The fact that weakens the anti-imperialist side of the movement must be searched at class compromising and reformist attribute of the tendencies that leads it. Only a revolutionary and communist leadership can put the real anti-imperialist; objective anti-imperialism of this movement in the forefront.

The objective anti-imperialist side of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" can only be a determining side by the leadership of the communist forces. That is to say, the movement can only be anti-capitalist by the leadership of the communist forces. Because, only communists would struggle under the perspective of destroying capitalism and building socialism. The point that we must always keep in our minds is this: Although it has concretized its present aim on the IMF, WB and WTO, and it characterized with spontaneous, reformist and petty- bourgeoisie, the movement, which develops in the shape of anger and protest against the heavy economic and social destruction of the imperialist globalization attacks, is essentially progressive. It is an anti-imperialist movement and carries anti-capitalist sides as well.

These anti-ML trends such as petty-bourgeois reformists, utopists, anarchists and Trotskyites do benefit form the forceless, dispersed and disorganized situation of the international communist movement. However, these trends' political influences will reduce when a strong, organizer and leading international communist movement start setting its mark on the "Anti-Globalization Movement".

The task of the communist movement is to try to have a say on the future of the international mass movement. We must not give opportunity for this movement to be used for reactionary and utopist goals, and conduct ideological and political struggle against the petty-bourgeois reformist and utopist components of the movement. Otherwise, we will not be able to benefit from this development, which mobilizes millions of toilers on the international arena, for development of the international revolutionary struggle against imperialism.

The actions of the movement are also carried out as solidarity actions in daily struggle of the international proletariat and toiling masses. These internationalist actions, the development of the international organizations of trade unions, mass organizations, revolutionary and communist organizations must be dealt with the proletariat's task to develop revolution in single countries.

Being only a participant is not enough. And only being active during the actions will not mean that we are active in the movement. The leading tendencies within the movement are discussing and spreading their own point of views. The right one is to participate in the discussions and play leading role. The urgent work should be to participate in each individual action or with concrete suggestions concerning the movement's problems in order to put this movement into the true class stride and to direct wide masses, which expressed with millions, by revealing the movement's actual anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist content and elements. We cannot forget that the only way to be a guider and effective in the movement passes from putting point of views forward in each concrete situation and finding the way of how to participate and with which policies, slogans and calls. On one hand, we must definitely participate in the continuing ideological struggle, and on the other hand, we must take initiative within the de facto organization of the movement. These two must be dealt together and without putting one against the other.

The dispersed and separated components of the international communist movement, the trends and parties with assertion of socialism, the revolutionary, anti-fascist and progressive parties are face to face with a task to participate in the "Anti-Globalization Movement" as a united, organized, effective and attractive political focus. And this will make the struggle, new perspectives and efforts absolutely necessary. A leading position within the movement can only be achieved in such way.

In our day where the grounds of proletariat's struggle against the bourgeoisie became more internationalized, the practical and theoretical disinterest to the movement against the imperialist globalization, and sectarian and distant stance towards the movement would mean both putting aside the claims of leadership of the communists, a timid and passive approach to the opportunities of developing the proletarian internationalism and a clear national narrow-minded.

This movement, with its present composition, restricts itself with the tools and consequences of the imperialist globalization attacks, in more general expression; it has got the lack of power perspective and aim. This is the main problem, weakness and handicap of the movement. But, this situation, as we mentioned earlier, can not be overcome by making critics outside the international mass actions. It can be overcome by an effective participation within the movement and by mobilizing forces in order to develop proletarian revolutionary hegemony. However, in all aspects, levels and areas, the international class struggle makes the revolutionary and communist leadership and intervention necessary.

 

 

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THE IMPERIALIST GLOBALIZATION ATTACKS AND DEVELOPING STRUGGLE AGAINST IT
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After the anti-fascist and peace movement that was organized by the parties of 3rd International and trade unions in the years of 1930s, the democracy and peace movement which started at the second half of the 1940s and continued by strengthening until the second half of 1950s and was led by the socialist countries and communist parties, the anti-imperialist movement that reached a peak in 1968, and the peace and disarmament movement that developed under the influence of revisionist countries of SU and East Europe and which was especially on the agenda in the years of 1980s, there is a new movement with a characteristic of different "leadership" start developing. This movement, which appeared in the struggle against the attacks and policies of the imperialist globalization and its concrete tools "Holy Trinity Alliance"; IMF, World Bank (WB) and World Trade Organization (WTO) and which gradually start influencing 100 thousands of people on international scale, is being defined as the "Anti-Globalization Movement".

The spontaneous unity actions of the local and other local movements, which gradually become international, are expressing the today's "Anti-Globalization Movement". The reaction against the IMF, WB, WTO and multinational monopolies in this or that country of the world, at the end turns into a massive international movement: Seattle, Washington, Brussels, Melbourne, Gotebourg, Davos, Prag, Geneva and Florence show the growing international dimension of this movement, and the content of the actions is informing about the class structure of the movement.

That is to say that this Movement is an expression of unification of the protest actions, which started in different countries on the basis of different reasons against neoliberal attacks and IMF, WB and WTO, on international plan, and it actually is an international protest movement.

As their programs in operation show, this "holly trinity alliance", which consists of the IMF, WB and WTO, is an expression of indispensability for the multinational monopolies and imperialist countries in plundering whole world. By its activities, this "trinity" sets all social classes and stratums against themselves, except for the imperialist bourgeoisie. There is a contradiction between the "trinity alliance" and whole world and nature: This alliance, which destroys humanity as productive force, at the same time destroys the nature also. The worldwide working class, toiling masses and in addition to that also the circles of non-monopole bourgeoisie, come face to face with the "trinity" in every sphere of the production and social life; at frequent intervals. The interests of the imperialist countries and monopoly capital are lying in the privatization, fixation of financial policies, regulation of foreign trade, seizure of social rights, fire from the work, continuity of destruction of nature, environmental pollution and particularly the direction of production in social sphere. And these interests are expressed by the IMF, WB and WTO. Therefore, millions of people are coming face to face with these three organizations, but not directly with the imperialism or American, German, Japan, France etc. imperialists. The workers, peasants, intellectuals, youth, in other terms; the trade unions, political parties, organizations, groupings, associations to protect animals, women organizations, NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), "civil" organizations, youth organizations, initiative groups, citizen organizations, churches (i.e. religious sects), universities, political trends are taking part in the struggle against this "trinity alliance" at this or that shape.

When we look at the political content of the protests participated by hundred thousands from MAI protests to Seattle, Davos to Prag, Geneva to Florence we see that the millions of people in the whole world are showing global reaction against the international capitalism and the internationalized movement of the capital because they are convinced that the activities of the IMF, WB and WTO are not reconcilable with democracy, but run counter to social rights, they provide profit to multinational monopolies directly from plunder, violation of human rights and without taking health and environmental issues into consideration, they cause to poverty, striking inequality and use of force in the new-colony countries, and turn everything living into a merchandise, and they make humanity futureless and estrange to himself. The movement against the imperialist globalization wants to set a limit to the imperialist exploitation and arbitrary, and to stop imperialist aggression.

This international mass movement is a mass movement that develops against the imperialist globalization and imperialist war aggression. It is the expression of an anger and accumulation revealed through destruction and damage created by the neoliberal attacks, which spread into the time and carry different reflections in each country, on economical and social field. It targets the imperialist monopolies and institutions. This movement has united with the movement against the imperialist war, and become a more massed and worldwide movement by involving its predecessor movement also. Because of its present state, the aims become more concrete and the participation was carried out in more prepared and organized manner. So, therefore, this movement is not "solely" a movement against the imperialist war, but also includes the struggles of the millions against the neoliberal attacks and policies of the imperialist-capitalism. It is an incomplete anti-imperialist movement.

The movement's influence and the desire and fermentation to struggle that it has created on the mass consciousness in the world cannot be ignored. Previously, the anti-imperialist struggle was identified with the "national independence" struggles of the new-colony, colony and oppressed peoples. But today, the struggle against the IMF, WB and WTO as well as the imperialist war and occupation is, directly or indirectly, an anti-imperialist struggle.

This massive international protesting movement is international. Because their demands are common. It targets the imperialist aggression and war, capitalism's neoliberal attacks and policies. The methods and forms of the struggle are similar. It has been organized under the form of co-ordinations and platforms in the countries, regions and world wide. It applies similar methods of struggle such as demonstration, refuse to work and general strike. It fought and is still fighting against the USA imperialism's war on Iraq. Its actions are taking place simultaneous, regional and worldwide. And they represent the spontaneous, unified struggle of the workers and toilers from all nations and nationalities, and oppressed classes from the below.

The Such and similar demands or, in general, the main demands of the "anti-globalization movement" does not target the imperialism and capitalism as a system, which is the reason of all these problems and contradictions. It doesn't consider the destroying of capitalism as the only way to escape from these problems and to solve contradictions. The "anti-globalization" is being limited with reformism by overwhelming majority of the participants of this movement and its components. Only the revolutionaries and communists are staying out of this scope.

Yet, the problem is the problems of capitalism; contradictions of imperialism and internationalization of the capital. That is to say that, in the concretized situation, the IMF, WB and WTO is taking the place of the term of capitalism and imperialism. And, in terms of concretizing the imperialism, it is right to target these organizations. But this must be announced; that is to say, it must be announced that the IMF, WB and WTO are the concrete expression of the imperialism, monopoly capitalism. So, not-doing this is the greatest mistake.

The essential thing for the overwhelming majority of the groupings participating in the "anti-globalization movement" is the wish and search for the people to have their own control upon their living conditions back "again". On this meaning, it is expressing integrity in terms of the concept of search, but it is not at all integral on the basis of the content of the concept; every component of the movement shows different approach to the question.

The important thing is to be against the "globalization", that is to say, the internationalization of the capital. The important thing is to develop the movement against the "globalization". Although it is being discussed, the question of how "anti-globalization movement" is going to be developed from the below and how is it going to be organized is not considered as the binding matter. The understanding is very simple: Everyone who is against the IMF, WB and WTO can develop the protesting movement in the place where they stay. Everybody can protest the IMF, WB and WTO in accordance with their own perspectives and the anti-globalization can be continued in such way. Shortly, it is completely a spontaneous attitude that dominates within the movement in terms of organization, politics and ideology.

The bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology is determining within the "anti- globalization movement", and it has been shaped in accordance with the reformist policies. But, the movement does not have an organizational, hierarchical structure. Each important components of the movement are representing the alternative political positions only by themselves and tries to dominate their own understandings within the movement.

We see that the forces who unite action to action, for example in Seattle, Melbourne, Davos, Prag, Goteburg, Geneva, Florence are constituted from quite different trends: All colors of petty-bourgeois organizations, radical petty-bourgeois trends; anarchists from all colors, Trotskyites, from "leftist" parts of the workers' movement to reformist, trade-unionist and centrist forces; so-called "leftist" parts of the bourgeois "worker" parties in the imperialist countries, certain parts of the social democrats, youth organizations, organizations of petty and middle peasantry; NGOs, ecological groupings and parties, feminist organizations, individuals (intellectuals, philosophers, teachers etc.) and communists.

The "anti-globalization movement" has also developed its specific forms of organization methods. Its main organizational method is the Social Forum.

When we think about the organization form of the "anti-globalization movement", the Porto Alegre quickly comes on our minds. Porto Alegre; the World Social Forum has become a center of the attraction for components of the "anti-globalization movement". The political trends, those considering bourgeois institutions as allies, have start coming forward in Porto Alegre. Moreover, this movement's European orientated reformist wing have found it right to hitch this movement to EU's (European Union) foreign policy.

In Porto Alegre, the following message has been given to the imperialist powers: We are a power and you have to speak and agree with us. And later, the imperialist bourgeoisie who took lesson from Seattle has showed that they are not reluctant to talk with reformist wing of the movement. In fact, the "anti-globalization movement" has created its own bureaucracy, sent its experts to the meetings and, thus, displayed that the reconciliation of differences is the only understanding of the struggle. This was the point where spontaneous reformist movement could reach, and it reached there.

There is no doubt that the creation of Porto Alegre (World Social Forum) cannot be denied and minimized. Many activists want to discuss the problems of the movement and find solutions, and therefore, doesn't matter if they want to or not, they listen expectantly and follow every development about the question in Porto Alegre or other places. Porto Alegre or other places, where the problems of the movement are discussed, are a podium or platform. For that reason, they can not be neglected and minimized. But, the international revolutionary and communist movement was not able to use this podium and still not using it. If we put some of the parties and groups out of the question, both as the international groupings and as the single parties they have shown a practice contending with watching, following and recording. This podium has been used constantly by the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois reformist trends. This was the case in the World Social Forum (Porto Alegre) and the European Social Forum (Florence). Because, the alternative forces, who could use the podium and refute systemic thoughts, that is to say, the real revolutionary and communist forces were not there or were in audience positions. However, the "anti-globalization movement" should have gone further then Porto Alegre. It should have been pulled forward. But it couldn't go further.

The thought of forming regional social forums was expressed in Porto Alegre. The European Social Forum came into being in Florence as the reflection of the European "anti-globalization movement". Social Forums have been considered as a tool for development of the "anti-globalization movement", and for that reason, social forums have been founded not only on the basis of countries, but also on regional and continental level. The social forums in everywhere have turned into a discussion field of the political groups and trends who want to set hegemony on the "anti-globalization movement". This is the case in everywhere.

The World Social Forum (WSF) and European Social Forum (ESF) do not carry any meaning except being a worldwide forum of the civil society. Their pragmatist understandings are projecting the domination of the liberal bourgeois and reformist petty-bourgeois forces within the "anti-globalization movement". And, leaving the development of the movement towards anti-capitalist direction aside, the movement's development towards anti-imperialism is also being plugged by the leadership and domination.

ATTAC ("Association For Taxation Of Financial Transactions For The Aid Of Citizens") is the one of the most important components of the "anti-globalization movement". This organization demands control of the movement of capital. This is the one that comes first to our minds when we talk about "anti-globalization movement" in France and Germany. Therefore, the ATTAC is equating with the movement. The ATTAC, which is formed as the result of efforts by the circle around the Le Monde Diplomatique, is the favorite of the movement.

Good-willing people who want to do something against hunger and misery! Good-willing people who express the feelings of people whose hearts are wrenched upon the misery of the poor, plundered people, people starving and the ones left their countries because of economical and political reasons! This is ATTAC. ATTAC has gradually gained sympathy from more and more groupings. This is because it addresses to the masses under the influence of reformism and pacifism, and, instead of class struggle, it takes class reconciliation as essential. All suggestions of the ATTAC are realistic political, they can be realized in the existing system.

ATTAC defends control of the movement of capital. Therefore, as a first step, it demands the speculative capital, that is in continual circulation worldwide, to be taxed. It says, the capital should be subjected to taxation every time when it goes out of one country.

According to the understanding, which putted forward by the American economist Tobin and because of that its called "Tobin-Tax", the international movement of the capital will be made difficult by increasing the price of global transfer. Thus, the capital, that's continually in circulation and looking for speculative sphere or that causes the speculation, is going to be obstructed. ATTAC is, in essence, fighting against the international movement of the capital with the "weapon" of "Tobin-Tax"! This is what it essentially understands from the anti-globalization struggle.

In France, ATTAC is a melting pot where people those directly affected from the internationalization of the capital and exploitation gathered. The people who are homeless, unemployed, the illegal immigrants, the petty and middle peasantry struggling against the EU's and WTO's policies on agriculture, the people who are organized here or there and the unorganized people are coming together under the umbrella of ATTAC.

One of the leading representatives/founders of the ATTAC, Vincent Espagne, suggests international organizations such as "Security Council", "International Environment Agency", "International and Independent Economy Court" to make better and efficient control on the world economy and trade, and defends following understanding: "We are not against the globalization. We are only against the liberal globalization. And we are not against the World Trade Organization also. We only want its rules to be in harmony with the human rights". According to the people from ATTAC, withdrawing from the "World Trade Organization" is a foolish behavior, withdrawing into the shell is a catastrophe and this will be synonymous with isolating oneself. According to the thought that constitutes the basis of this opinion, it is, supposedly, possible to return to the old forms of the "market economy" based on the principles of equality. Because of that, the power of the monopolies shall be rejected.

ATTAC doesn't want to do anything than calling ruling classes to act clever. Furthermore, it spreads illusions about the imperialist state. For example, the famous member of the ATTAC in Germany, social democrat Oskar Lafontaine speaks very clearly on the subject of state: "The state is us".

According to the ATTAC, the measures taken by the President of USA, W. Bush, just after the September 11 attack, to take economy out of crisis are correct. About this, "Bush have never been close to ATTAC as he's today", says Bernd Cassen, one of the founders of ATTAC. The attempts of Bush "to dry tax-oasis" and to make efficient control on some of the speculation methods "in the frame of fight against terrorism" fit into the thoughts defended by ATTAC. The vice-president of ATTAC-France, Susan George once said: "George Bush himself has understood the badness of the tax-oasis for economy. Thanks George Bush! You have shown that it is correct to put ATTAC's program into practice". For ATTAC, the measures taken by the imperialist state to save monopolies are a progressive move and a perspective in struggle.

It is also very interesting that the ATTAC does not have criticism on the "war against terrorism". The struggle against capitalism is not the important thing for ATTAC. It didn't develope a program for that. The important thing for ATTAC is to make system operate again.

In a discussion with the right-wing economist Thomas L. Friedman, the president of ATTAC-France, Ramonet explains the valve-role of ATTAC in the face of developing displeasure in following words: "Millions of people worldwide are, doubtlessly, ready to set barricades and apply violence to quench their basic needs. Such solution makes me sad. If we can be clever, this will not be the case. Why we shouldn't give small part of the world richness to the 'damned of the world'?85What we can do? How we can prevent half of the humanity from uprising and applying violence?"

By reforming it, ATTAC is trying to show the imperialist state as a trustable organization in the eyes of the large masses and as an organization where people can take refuge. This is the historical mission of ATTAC.

The number of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) has fairly increased in recent years. It's being estimated that there are 30 thousand NGOs round the world for today. There are organizations, which have got giant organizational structure and important financial resources, such as Greenpeace, ME9decines sans frontiers, Save the Children and Amnesty International in between them also.

In recent years, these organizations became so important. Because, both in imperialist countries and dependent countries, the states start heading towards cutting their support on the social institutions and subsidies. Since poverty, unemployment and social discontentment becomes more deepened and increased worldwide, they also open wide areas for such organizations to act. These organizations are consciously supported especially by the imperialist states in their activities. For example, the organization called "U.S. Wildlife Fund" gets half of its budget from the American state. Moreover, many states in the new-colonies are also being obligated to support NGOs and take their point of views just as the consultations with the IMF and WB.

The widespread NGOs, at the same time, come to the meaning of increased spreading of understanding of civil society.

The trend of sivil toplumculuk (an ideology that defends civil society - in Turkish) is essentially a bourgeois liberal understanding. This understanding has been actualized especially after the II. World War by the bourgeois ideologists as an alternative of socialism. The sivil toplumculuk trend does not recognize the existence of different classes whose interests are antagonist, and restricts itself with the eradication of visible weaknesses and correction of wrongdoings in the system. That is to say, it is the reformism itself. Because of this kind of particularities of it, the sivil toplumculuk trend can not see the real reason of the repression and exploitation.

The reformist understandings are the political and theoretical obstructions that stand in front of the development of the "anti-globalization movement" as an anti-imperialist and also anti-capitalist movement. However, it is not a difficult mathematical equitation; everybody knows whose organization the UN is and who rules it. And it is also very well known of which powers are exploiting the new-colony and depended countries. Despite all that, they are forwarding reformist illusions and stop revolutionary development of the movement which is joined by millions of people, and block and narrow it within a sphere that could be accepted by the imperialist bourgeoisie!

Almost all components of the movement, from anarchists to reformists, environmentalists to feminists are uniting on denying the importance of theory and practice of the working class and its party in the overthrow of existing system. The petty-bourgeois, reformist and populist organizations who share the mentioned opinion are setting their seal on the "anti-globalization movement".

Other components of the movement such as localism; defenders of local "economy" and returnees to genuine; existentialists want to take world history 200-300 years back and imagine the petty production, the production relations of those dates.

The anarchist and independents are against the organization, so to the organized struggle, in principle. For them, the organized mass struggle is an expression of "authoritarianism", "anti-democracy" and it's oppression for "individual". These so-called radicals defend "free individualism". They don't see any difference between seizure of the power by the proletariat and building its dictatorship and domination of the capital/bourgeoisie.

The Trotskyite groups do not have courage to defend Trotskyism in the movement. They are aiming to get hold of the movement by infiltrating into movement. They defend the most backward demands and are leader in mass tailing. In the movement, they are relying on to the "entrism" and struggling against the Marxism with all their strengths.

The ideology that sets its seal on this movement is the petty-bourgeois reformism. The movement's struggle against the monopolies, IMF, WB and WTO essentially reflects the petty-bourgeois reformism's opinion on the "anti-imperialist" struggle. It is expressing the pacifist, legalist and reformist petty-bourgeois's criticism on imperialism which becomes concrete upon the IMF, WB, WTO and monopolies, but not the radical, revolutionary petty-bourgeoisie.

Their criticisms are inconsistent; don't have efficiency, mortal impact. Because they are addressing to powers who rob millions of people; who don't think anything else than profit and more profit and who won't be able to act different than what they have done; who drive humanity and nature to catastrophe.

Their criticisms are reactionary, because they don't promise a future for humanity. In our day, the petty-bourgeoisie, whose imaginative power is so strong, defends capitalism without monopolies and thinks that it could make petty production dominant and could give an answer with the internationalization from the below against the internationalization and international organization of the monopolies. The petty-bourgeoisie hates from the international institutions (IMF, WB, and WTO), international organization of the monopole capital, but regards property and market as divine! Instead of Marxist theory; making search to find reasons of the social movement and its transformation; comprehensive investigation of the changes in the production style; making search to find tools to overthrow contradictions, they are turning their back to the contradictions of the world they live. They tend to create their imaginary world in the same conditions, and try to explain the social existence of mankind by consciousness, and suppose that the "badness" and illness of the imperialist reality can be cured through absurd arguments they put forward. There is nothing revolutionary in their thoughts and theories.

The fact of imperialist state's plunder, domination and occupation of other countries has displayed the foundation thesis and thoughts, fundamental reformism of the leading theoreticians of the "anti-globalization movement". The life itself is proving the mistake of writers such as Susan George, Toni Negri, Ignacio Ramonet, Robert Korten etc. Because, the thought of creation (it's as if it doesn't exists) of a world market (contrary to defenders of local market) and the market's central role must be the abolishment of the poverty and inequality, is a utopia, anachronism.

These writers and all reformist groupings who are giving direction to the "anti-globalization movement" as a whole, are interpreting the relations between the imperialist state and monopolies; the understanding that says the imperialist state serves to the monopolies, totally wrong. According to their understanding; the state must not be serving to the monopolies, other countries must not be occupied, millions of people must not be suffering from misery, and millions of people must not be migrated because of political and economical reasons. But, unfortunately, we are experiencing a process that denies such understandings. These writers are trying to hide the reality of the relation (like two sides of one coin) between the imperialist state and monopolies, and make us believe that the subjects which are criticized by them can be solved by some rectification.

These efforts of them not only raise the reformist illusions, but also serve consciously to the obstruction of anti-imperialist development of the international mass movement.

The "anti-globalization movement" as a social movement has put millions of people into motion, carried the consciousness of necessity of change to the millions. Organizations those taking part in the movement have got their programs and initiative groups have got their platforms. But all these do not make the movement alternative against the capitalist system. Because, the forces that are active in the movement does not understands the characteristics and contradiction of the capitalist system.

Moreover, there is a competition taking place for political leadership between the groups. That is to say, the movement does not have political unity and, in these circumstances, it is not possible to achieve political unity.

Of course there is no doubt that there are "radical" elements in the actions and programmatic understandings of various groups taking part in the movement. But these are limited with petty-bourgeois understandings and using force that is broken off from the aim.

In the movement, efforts to unite masses in a anti-imperialist platform are very weak. It is not possible to build the movement as a democratic and anti-imperialist mass movement with the leadership of existing forces who are taking part in the movement.

IS IT REFORM OR REVOLUTION?

(The future of "Anti-Globalization Movement")

The crisis of "Anti-Globalization Movement": Together with its foundation, the "Anti-Globalization Movement" has came face to face with a dilemma which all social movements come face to face in the capitalism: Either all principle understandings, political direction, class base is going to be throw away and only the number of masses is going to be the most important thing, that is to say, the worship on the number of masses and spontaneous action is going to be taken as the base, or some principles, political direction is going to be taken as the base and lean on to the certain class structure. In the second case, the struggle for the real solution of the problems which caused the birth of the movement and the sources of these problems will be criticized, and the importance will be given to the quality instead of quantity. The "Anti-Globalization Movement" has chosen the first path. In fact, it was forced to choose it. Because, the class and political understandings of the forces, who played a role in the creation of the movement, did not leave any other choices.

The dilemma of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" is also showing that it carries the elements of crisis since its creation. This reality was also seen by the components of the movement. But the excited mood, the greatness of the expectations at the beginning, have always pushed thoughts upon the subject to the back. When rising and excitement process weakened; the greatness of gap between the expectations, demands and achievements appeared, the components of the movement start talking upon themselves in the meetings which were supposed to be serving to the development and organization of the movement.

The division of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" or the difference between its components has shown itself in the attitude taken against the war. Especially the attitude of being against the war in imperialist countries, at the same time, in terms of political attitude, was coming to meaning of being separated from the forces who were under the influence of and believing to the imperialist bourgeoisie's propagandas. After the September 11 attack, when imperialist propaganda showed its influence, some of the components of the "anti-globalization movement" don't succeed anymore in being against the war, to take side with the oppressed Muslim peoples; to stand against the imperialist banditry and barbarism. Therefore, the understanding to be satisfied with some statements has become more important in the fight against the war. For example, such tendency has been seen very clearly at the attitudes of trade unions. So much so that, instead of struggle to stop the war, they have shown a practice waiting for the war to come out of the agenda and restart the struggle against the international monopolies in the known concept and style.

However, during the war the only criteria and practice of being democrat is standing against the imperialist war, and this would also be the only assurance of the struggle of the masses for their demands and future.

Some parts of the Movement somehow didn't and is still not understanding that the struggle against "holy alliance", at the same time is a struggle against the imperialist war, or the struggle against the imperialist war also is a struggle against "holy alliance". The 'Anti-Globalization Movement's attitude against the war just after the September 11 was fully pacifist as today. The war has been rejected in general and without making just or unjust separations. After the defeat of Taliban (now Iraq) the uncolored attitude against the war has also scraped off the street.

As a result:

This movement has gradually developed and gained strength after a protest action against the WTO in Seattle that participated by thousands of people from different organizations, initiative groups and trade unions. This movement, in fact, occurred from the unification of many different protests in the countries dependent of the imperialism. Following the collapse of the social imperialist Soviet Union and leading revisionist block, desperate revisionist parties and mass organizations dispersed, and the traditional mass organizations of workers movement became ineffective, therefore this movement became center of attention for many "leftists" in the western world (EU and USA).

It is not for nothing that the "Anti-Globalization Movement" has been defined as the "movement of movements" since Seattle. This definition is correct. It is obviously a movement of movements, an International Protest Movement. Politically, it is rather a heterogeneous movement. Therefore, it is also rather difficult to categorize it anyhow. When we consider it historically, we will see that every movement during their foundation and development period will be influenced in terms of content by so many different and wide political thoughts and groups. Each grouping will carry their point of view, the organization and struggle understanding to the movement and will try to influence it. It's natural also. And this was the case in the "Anti-Globalization Movement". The movement's formation has also determined by the political tendencies that forms it. And today we are seeing that the movement is at the hands of the reformist forces.

However, the discussion, which would determine the direction of the movement to develop, has not started yet on the real meaning. This discussion will take place between the reformist tendencies those who are dominant in the movement and revolutionary/communist forces. But, the present discussion in the movement is essentially a discussion in between the reformist forces. And this drives movement to the tendencies such as people who are against the war, people who are against the EU and people who are traditionally against "anti-globalization".

* This movement is objectively internationalist, but transnational in actual fact. This movement objectively has to be revolutionary, but actually it is reformist. This movement is objectively anti-imperialist, but this side of it has always been pushed behind by the dominant reformist forces.

* This movement don't see and doesn't want to see that the capitalist method of production does not have ability to end its own contradictions, on the contrary it produce the material conditions for contradictions to be more sharpen, that is to say that the system does not have ability to renew itself.

* This movement don't see and doesn't want to see that, it doesn't matter how much its being reformed, the capitalist method of production and also the market, wage, profit, exploitation and etc. can not be subjected to social aims, it is incongruous with the nature of the capital.

* Because of same reasons, the "Anti-Globalization Movement" does not understands that it is not possible to create a system that takes equality, solidarity as essential, where monopolies doesn't exist, the petty production is dominant and the money, exploitation is not so important, by exceeding/ destroying capitalism.

* This movement is looking for "possibility of an another world" within the bourgeois democracy and, at the same time, it doesn't see that the reasons creating the "globalization" have appeared as the results of this democracy.

* So, the movement doesn't want to understand that the capitalist system doesn't have any chance to be transformed into another system by inner-development or exceeding itself; there is no possibility, which would correspond with the opinions of the groupings participating in the movement.

* This movement doesn't want to understand that the capital would not be able to do anything else than its own conditions to grow and these conditions, at the same time, are the conditions of the "globalization".

* This movement sees perfectly good that, for today, 65 thousand international monopolies and only about 100-150 monopolies in between them are playing with the future of entire humanity, but it doesn't comprehend that the struggle against super monopolies is the struggle against the existing system which bring them into existence; the struggle against capitalism. On the contrary, it tries to obstruct the understanding in such way with its reformism and thinks that it may can reform the system.

* This movement perceives the "globalization", which is the reason of its existence", as a new level, a new fact of capitalism. Yet the "globalization"; internationalization of the capital is not a unknown or new development of the capitalism. A capitalism that is non-global is unthinkable. If so, the global capitalism is not a new phenomenon. If so, the thing that is expressed as "globalization" is nothing else than the process of intensification and centralization of the capital, which is peculiar to the method of capitalist production and seen always. And this process exists since the formation of capitalism as a system. After the free-rivalry period of the capitalism, that is to say, since the imperialist stage of capitalism, the new thing is imperialist globalization that we know for about 100 years. However, this movement does not understand that the capitalism is in the trade of labor power, money, production and raw material since its existence as a system.

* This movement thinks that the neo-liberalism is a product of wrong politics. But, the neo-liberalism is a doctrine of bourgeois politic-economy that is in operation at present.

* This movement does not criticize the capitalism as a whole, but contrarily it criticizes some of its aspects and phenomenon those in forefront. According to the movement, its as if, the exploitation and plunder exists only in "third world" countries. The exploitation and plunder in the imperialist countries does not interest them. Thus, this movement reduces the division of the world into two camps as exploiters and exploited to "North-South Contradiction", that is to say, to known social democrat and over classes understanding.

* The movement defends that the "globalization" with financial markets and giant monopolies is destroying the peoples right to take decision on their own, the democratic institutions and the sovereign state. Thus, the movement defends that the people could have right to take decision on their own in capitalism. They are of the opinion that not the bourgeoisie but the wide masses could democratize some of the institutions and provide sovereignty of the state.

* The "Anti-Globalization Movement" defends "globalization" to be more just. It considers that, in the capitalism, it is possible to reform and democratize international institutions such as WB, IMF and WTO, to clamp down and control international monopolies.

* The movement defends "honest" and "honorable trade" but not the "free trade".

* According to the "Anti-Globalization Movement's" leading components, the bourgeois state is everything. According to the movement, the "humanist", "democratic", "peaceful", "just" and "social" capitalism do exists. So, there must be a "humanist", "democratic", "peaceful", "just" and "social" state also, if not, we must struggle to recreate it. It's as if there was such a development once in the history of humanity and they want to re-institutionalize it!

* According to the some components of the movements, the global capitalism is a "bad" capitalism and it must be struggled. And the "good" capitalism is the "local capitalism". There must be a struggle to found "local capitalism". That is to say, one must take aside with petty capital against the big capital. The objective laws of the movement of capital don't mean anything for them. What is being meant by "Another world is possible", "another globalization" and "globalization from the below" is the defense of the petty (national) capital, the "local capitalism", and yes idealized capitalism. What a brave imagination!

* This movement defends "social state" in principles. It is spreading the illusion of that the state can be controlled by laws, taxes and thus the capitalist barbarism can be clamp down.

* The movement shows the bourgeois society different than what is in real; tries to put on millions mind that there is a contradiction between the bourgeois state and capital. According to the movement, the bourgeois state; in fact social state, is a state that exists for the "welfare" of the citizens. Therefore, the state must be reformed, and the parties and politicians those who are causing misinterpretation of the state must be criticized. It is not accidental that all the calls made by ATTAC and all other leading reformist components of the movement are addressed to the parties and politicians.

* In this manner, the movement does not make the legitimacy of the bourgeois domination as the subject of a discussion. On the contrary, it accepts this legitimacy and thinks that the demanded reforms can be realized and a democratic life and production controlled from the below in the bourgeois relations of production and property could be provided by applying pressure of the giant show of force.

Our world needs revolutionary thoughts, revolutionary theory and

revolutionary action.

The only way to hinder this movement to end up like previous ones is the revolutionary and communist leadership.

For many years, the international mass movement have marched under the influence of the reformists and spontaneously. The revolutionary and communist movements do have determining role in this. Because, it didn't carry out its historical and political duties. It was really necessary to make influential and revolutionary intervention to the wave of international mass movement which was growing like a snow ball. But the revolutionary movement didn't succeed in this. Yet, the movement was carrying important revolutionary dynamics, conditions and elements. And the subjects of the historical action were presenting opportunities for revolutionary and communist parties to form, produce themselves and to realize their programs. There was a strong ground to advance revolutionary tactic, slogan and calls, and revolutionary work. The process still waits for a revolutionary intervention.

Lenin said: "there will not be revolutionary action without revolutionary theory". We are seeing the correctness of the above sentence at the development course of the "Anti-Globalization Movement". The international revolutionary and communist movement has shown no interest to the movement and it became almost an audience of the developments. Although it saw the reformist and spontaneous character of the movement, it didn't tackle it political and theoretically. And thus, it couldn't make leadership or become a vanguard in clearing the way of the masses counted by millions.

The reformists have determined the agenda. Revolutionary and communist parties had have to keep in step with that agenda. That is to say that they have contented with participating into the actions organized by the movement. Of course, the dispersed situation of the international revolutionary and communist and workers' movement, the effects of the developments after the disintegration of the social imperialist Soviet Union and revisionist block, and the imperialist bourgeoisie's heavy anticommunist attacks can not be minimized in appearance of such situation. Loosing force, weakening of believe on the socialist theory, theoretical and organizational liquidation under the name of re-thinking etc. etc. The international revolutionary and communist movement, in any case, did not tackle the movement on the basis of criticisms. It did not concentrate theoretically and practically on the destructive effects of reformists, anarchists and Trotskyites in the movement, which developed externally but, also affected it.

The "Anti-Globalization Movement is a rainbow movement. And always there is a need for an ideological and political struggle from the inside. Looking at the development of the "Anti-Globalization Movement", Porto Alegre and later developments, and the alliance efforts, one will see that lack of ideology becomes ideology, lack of theory becomes theory and lack of principle becomes principle. This is what especially was wanted by the leading personalities of the movement; the reformist forces. Because, in this manner, the movement's integration to the bourgeois institutions or turning into full bourgeoisie is going to be more easy, and going beyond the borders of the bourgeois system is going to be more difficult. Therefore, the political education process, the political organization process in the movement, and the movement's organization level have been hindered in different ways.

Why and on what degree does this movement, which developed in the last 10 years against the internationalized capitalism; imperialism at giant levels, and organized tremendous demonstrations from Seattle to Florence, is international? Imperialism is an expression of the creation of the world economy through connection of single country economies to each others. In the imperialist age, the capitalist production is international. The capitalist production is international independently from the development degree of internationalization. In today's internationalization process, the national borders have become unimportant and the world politics and world economy start directly effecting the conjectural developments in this or that country. So naturally, the internationalized capitalism has also internationalized its own contradictions. As a result of this, an international movement was born against these contradictions; international problems of the capitalism. The international capitalism has caused to appearance of the international movement. This movement is the first real and massive international and internationalist movement of the last years, on the basis of reaction against international monopolies and that goes beyond the borders of national states.

What are the factors that determine whether the movement is progressive, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist or not? Doubtlessly, it depends on how and under which class basis its content being dealt. Many fascist and reactionary organizations are also using anti-monopolist and anti-imperialist words and want to get into the movement. "Anti-Globalization Movement" under their influence, it does not matter how much its being dealt correctly in the content, can not be evaluated as progressive, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist. In this case, the thing that makes determination is the class content, thoughts and policies of the participants of the movement; the class position of the forces those who set their marks on the leadership of the movement. The petty-bourgeois class characters and policies of the forces leading the movement have also brought movement to be petty-bourgeois and spontaneous. The fact that weakens the anti-imperialist side of the movement must be searched at class compromising and reformist attribute of the tendencies that leads it. Only a revolutionary and communist leadership can put the real anti-imperialist; objective anti-imperialism of this movement in the forefront.

The objective anti-imperialist side of the "Anti-Globalization Movement" can only be a determining side by the leadership of the communist forces. That is to say, the movement can only be anti-capitalist by the leadership of the communist forces. Because, only communists would struggle under the perspective of destroying capitalism and building socialism. The point that we must always keep in our minds is this: Although it has concretized its present aim on the IMF, WB and WTO, and it characterized with spontaneous, reformist and petty- bourgeoisie, the movement, which develops in the shape of anger and protest against the heavy economic and social destruction of the imperialist globalization attacks, is essentially progressive. It is an anti-imperialist movement and carries anti-capitalist sides as well.

These anti-ML trends such as petty-bourgeois reformists, utopists, anarchists and Trotskyites do benefit form the forceless, dispersed and disorganized situation of the international communist movement. However, these trends' political influences will reduce when a strong, organizer and leading international communist movement start setting its mark on the "Anti-Globalization Movement".

The task of the communist movement is to try to have a say on the future of the international mass movement. We must not give opportunity for this movement to be used for reactionary and utopist goals, and conduct ideological and political struggle against the petty-bourgeois reformist and utopist components of the movement. Otherwise, we will not be able to benefit from this development, which mobilizes millions of toilers on the international arena, for development of the international revolutionary struggle against imperialism.

The actions of the movement are also carried out as solidarity actions in daily struggle of the international proletariat and toiling masses. These internationalist actions, the development of the international organizations of trade unions, mass organizations, revolutionary and communist organizations must be dealt with the proletariat's task to develop revolution in single countries.

Being only a participant is not enough. And only being active during the actions will not mean that we are active in the movement. The leading tendencies within the movement are discussing and spreading their own point of views. The right one is to participate in the discussions and play leading role. The urgent work should be to participate in each individual action or with concrete suggestions concerning the movement's problems in order to put this movement into the true class stride and to direct wide masses, which expressed with millions, by revealing the movement's actual anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist content and elements. We cannot forget that the only way to be a guider and effective in the movement passes from putting point of views forward in each concrete situation and finding the way of how to participate and with which policies, slogans and calls. On one hand, we must definitely participate in the continuing ideological struggle, and on the other hand, we must take initiative within the de facto organization of the movement. These two must be dealt together and without putting one against the other.

The dispersed and separated components of the international communist movement, the trends and parties with assertion of socialism, the revolutionary, anti-fascist and progressive parties are face to face with a task to participate in the "Anti-Globalization Movement" as a united, organized, effective and attractive political focus. And this will make the struggle, new perspectives and efforts absolutely necessary. A leading position within the movement can only be achieved in such way.

In our day where the grounds of proletariat's struggle against the bourgeoisie became more internationalized, the practical and theoretical disinterest to the movement against the imperialist globalization, and sectarian and distant stance towards the movement would mean both putting aside the claims of leadership of the communists, a timid and passive approach to the opportunities of developing the proletarian internationalism and a clear national narrow-minded.

This movement, with its present composition, restricts itself with the tools and consequences of the imperialist globalization attacks, in more general expression; it has got the lack of power perspective and aim. This is the main problem, weakness and handicap of the movement. But, this situation, as we mentioned earlier, can not be overcome by making critics outside the international mass actions. It can be overcome by an effective participation within the movement and by mobilizing forces in order to develop proletarian revolutionary hegemony. However, in all aspects, levels and areas, the international class struggle makes the revolutionary and communist leadership and intervention necessary.