The colonial regime’s discussions on the “Kurdish Initiative''
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Finally, the Kurds are not the former Kurds; they have lived national honour and freedom. And new Kurds armed with national consciousness and organisation are defending their posts and not retreating. As a matter of fact, the colonialist regime is accepting its military and political defeat with the manoeuvre it has experienced.

 

01 September 2009 / International Bulletin / Issue 85

 

In Northern Kurdistan, within the borders of Turkey, the oppressed Kurdish nation has been leading a just, legitimated and revolutionary guerrilla war for the last 25 years against the colonial Turkish bourgeois regime. This national democratic and liberation struggle carried out on the military, political and cultural fields is led by the PKK . This war has gained economic, social, political and military as well as regional and international results in the Anatolian and Mesopotamian regions. In the name of intervening in this situation and find a solution to this situation, "the Kurdish question and peace" have become one of the top agenda of different political circles in the last months and have been started to be discussed again.
After the local elections in March 2009, the AKP government started the discussions on the "Kurdish Initiative" by making official statements and starting to meet with other parties on this issue. Political parties, the media, intellectuals, universities, the parliament, the militarist and clandestine organisations of the state and its different institutions, employers' organisations and unions, the political representatives of the PKK and Kurdish national movement, the revolutionary parties and groups participated in this discussion period with some new phrases, arguments and terms and had new hopes. Besides some Turkish chauvinist and racist political forces, the Turkish and Kurdish peoples have supported the demands shouted for peace and brotherhood as the new initiatives.
Different statements were made on "peace" and "a democratic solution". A "declaration" and a "route plan" were published. Optimistic expectations became widespread.
There is no doubt that the discussions on "Kurdish initiatives" with this extent are new in terms of some points. And this situation is no coincidence. This situation that makes the Turkish and Kurdish peoples have expectations and puts itself on the general agenda was a product of the Kurdish national democratic and liberation struggle. The PKK's and Kurdish people's guerrilla war and its serhildan s were a product of the political organisation and political action. By fighting the Kurdish people have entered a way for its own matter of which can't be abandoned concerning its national revival, resurgence and freedom.
What are these discussions on the "Kurdish initiatives" that also created results such as disappointment, diversion and empty expectations in itself?
The Kurdish initiative isn't a labourer and democratic solution of the Kurdish question but on the contrary, a part or reflection of the Turkish bourgeoisie to realise its maneuveurs and tactics as well as the US solution plan and its politics. The USA and the colonial Turkish regime have seen that they can't take the Southern Kurdistan forces on their side and follow the solution way "without the PKK and Apo". And somehow it tries to turn the national democratic movement towards its own solution. The discussions on the Kurdish initiative can't be considered as something independent from the policy of the US and EU imperialists, Obama's Middle Eastern politics, from the Turkish bourgeois state, Iraq and Southern Kurdistan administrations and the PKK and DTP politics.
The USA got stuck in the swamp in Iraq. Its strategic politics on the Middle East have failed. Its imperialist aggression, war and occupation politics have failed and even exposed itself as well as economically and politically forced into a period of regression. The world economic crisis with the USA in its centre has deepened this congestion and regression. As a result, with the new Obama leadership the USA started to have dialogues and the collaboration with some local forces instead of its aggression and occupation politics. In addition, it withdrawal from Iraq could have led to a national slaughter and clash of the Kurdish people and the Shi'a-Sunni Arabs in Southern Kurdistan. For this reason, it could have only been Turkey being the "strategic partner" to fill the gap in the region as well as be the Kurdish protector. So, it were the PKK and the Kurdish question being the main obstacles in front of this role that needed to be finally handled. Because of this, the USA considers it as necessary that some cultural and political expansions of the Kurdish question would be made and therefore, has continued to give suggestions in this way to the Turkish bourgeois state.
For 25 years Turkish labourer children were put on military clothing and sent to the dirty and dark colonial war led in Northern Kurdistan. The will of the fascist Turkish bourgeois army for war has been fretted as a result of the Kurdish guerrilla war and resistance in the regions Zap and Bezele in Southern Kurdistan. Their desperation concerning the guerrilla war made them go for common preparations and meetings with the USA, Israel and Iraq-Southern Kurdistan to attack. This situation signified military inefficacy.
The serhildans and mass resistances joined by millions of people in Northern Kurdistan in 2008 and 2009 were characterised by great determination and hope.
The colonial regime considered the elections in March 2009 as a period of political defeat it suffered against the Kurdish national movement. All system parties and militarist forces supported the AKP in Kurdistan and tried to expel the DTP from its local governments. The local elections became a national referendum. It was the DTP that won the elections, and the colonialist front was defeated despite its delusions and dirty tricks. And this was the political defeat of the colonial regime. To summarise, the fascist Turkish regime used and tried all its dirty methods in the war. Nothing was left to do in terms of military and political force. This war started to cost more than 400 billion US$. Turkey was one of the three countries mainly affected by the world economic crisis. The people's demand for peace, its economical and democratic demands as well as political demands forced the regime to make statements on the "Kurdish initiative".
Another side of this issue is the Kurdistan front. The PKK fretted the war will of the strongest army in the Middle East and the second biggest army of the NATO. It dragged the Turkish war army into a military deadlock. However, power relations and balances, regional and world balances, and the fact that the revolutionary movement couldn't manage to start a second front in the West of Turkey, made the colonial regime time to breathe. And it prevented the collapse of the balances. In 1999 PKK leader A. Ocalan was extradited, and following this, the PKK adopted a reformist line; both had an impact on the course of this struggle. It was also a fact that there were some contradictions and differences between the PKK and the Southern Kurdistan forces concerning the future of Kurdistan. Under these conditions the PKK emphasized its demands for a democratic republic and democratic autonomy instead of a national state. It raised its demand for a democratic peace. Demands were also raised such as including the Kurds' democratic and cultural rights in the constitution, a democratic Kurdish nation and democratic autonomy, own local authorities and the organisation of security forces.
The state is now holding the "road map" prepared by A. Ocalan in its hands. The real aim of the Turkish bourgeois state is to repulse the guerrilla struggle and the serhildans and to liquidate the PKK and the Kurdish national movement. It wants to do that by creating expectations extending over a certain period of time and by diverting. Nevertheless, its last statements continue to be a reflection of the traditional annihilation and denial politics.
Finally, the Kurds are not the former Kurds; they have lived national honour and freedom. And new Kurds armed with national consciousness and organisation are defending their posts and not retreating. As a matter of fact, the colonialist regime is accepting its military and political defeat with the manoeuvre it has experienced.
From now on nothing will be like before.
 

 

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The colonial regime’s discussions on the “Kurdish Initiative''
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Finally, the Kurds are not the former Kurds; they have lived national honour and freedom. And new Kurds armed with national consciousness and organisation are defending their posts and not retreating. As a matter of fact, the colonialist regime is accepting its military and political defeat with the manoeuvre it has experienced.

 

01 September 2009 / International Bulletin / Issue 85

 

In Northern Kurdistan, within the borders of Turkey, the oppressed Kurdish nation has been leading a just, legitimated and revolutionary guerrilla war for the last 25 years against the colonial Turkish bourgeois regime. This national democratic and liberation struggle carried out on the military, political and cultural fields is led by the PKK . This war has gained economic, social, political and military as well as regional and international results in the Anatolian and Mesopotamian regions. In the name of intervening in this situation and find a solution to this situation, "the Kurdish question and peace" have become one of the top agenda of different political circles in the last months and have been started to be discussed again.
After the local elections in March 2009, the AKP government started the discussions on the "Kurdish Initiative" by making official statements and starting to meet with other parties on this issue. Political parties, the media, intellectuals, universities, the parliament, the militarist and clandestine organisations of the state and its different institutions, employers' organisations and unions, the political representatives of the PKK and Kurdish national movement, the revolutionary parties and groups participated in this discussion period with some new phrases, arguments and terms and had new hopes. Besides some Turkish chauvinist and racist political forces, the Turkish and Kurdish peoples have supported the demands shouted for peace and brotherhood as the new initiatives.
Different statements were made on "peace" and "a democratic solution". A "declaration" and a "route plan" were published. Optimistic expectations became widespread.
There is no doubt that the discussions on "Kurdish initiatives" with this extent are new in terms of some points. And this situation is no coincidence. This situation that makes the Turkish and Kurdish peoples have expectations and puts itself on the general agenda was a product of the Kurdish national democratic and liberation struggle. The PKK's and Kurdish people's guerrilla war and its serhildan s were a product of the political organisation and political action. By fighting the Kurdish people have entered a way for its own matter of which can't be abandoned concerning its national revival, resurgence and freedom.
What are these discussions on the "Kurdish initiatives" that also created results such as disappointment, diversion and empty expectations in itself?
The Kurdish initiative isn't a labourer and democratic solution of the Kurdish question but on the contrary, a part or reflection of the Turkish bourgeoisie to realise its maneuveurs and tactics as well as the US solution plan and its politics. The USA and the colonial Turkish regime have seen that they can't take the Southern Kurdistan forces on their side and follow the solution way "without the PKK and Apo". And somehow it tries to turn the national democratic movement towards its own solution. The discussions on the Kurdish initiative can't be considered as something independent from the policy of the US and EU imperialists, Obama's Middle Eastern politics, from the Turkish bourgeois state, Iraq and Southern Kurdistan administrations and the PKK and DTP politics.
The USA got stuck in the swamp in Iraq. Its strategic politics on the Middle East have failed. Its imperialist aggression, war and occupation politics have failed and even exposed itself as well as economically and politically forced into a period of regression. The world economic crisis with the USA in its centre has deepened this congestion and regression. As a result, with the new Obama leadership the USA started to have dialogues and the collaboration with some local forces instead of its aggression and occupation politics. In addition, it withdrawal from Iraq could have led to a national slaughter and clash of the Kurdish people and the Shi'a-Sunni Arabs in Southern Kurdistan. For this reason, it could have only been Turkey being the "strategic partner" to fill the gap in the region as well as be the Kurdish protector. So, it were the PKK and the Kurdish question being the main obstacles in front of this role that needed to be finally handled. Because of this, the USA considers it as necessary that some cultural and political expansions of the Kurdish question would be made and therefore, has continued to give suggestions in this way to the Turkish bourgeois state.
For 25 years Turkish labourer children were put on military clothing and sent to the dirty and dark colonial war led in Northern Kurdistan. The will of the fascist Turkish bourgeois army for war has been fretted as a result of the Kurdish guerrilla war and resistance in the regions Zap and Bezele in Southern Kurdistan. Their desperation concerning the guerrilla war made them go for common preparations and meetings with the USA, Israel and Iraq-Southern Kurdistan to attack. This situation signified military inefficacy.
The serhildans and mass resistances joined by millions of people in Northern Kurdistan in 2008 and 2009 were characterised by great determination and hope.
The colonial regime considered the elections in March 2009 as a period of political defeat it suffered against the Kurdish national movement. All system parties and militarist forces supported the AKP in Kurdistan and tried to expel the DTP from its local governments. The local elections became a national referendum. It was the DTP that won the elections, and the colonialist front was defeated despite its delusions and dirty tricks. And this was the political defeat of the colonial regime. To summarise, the fascist Turkish regime used and tried all its dirty methods in the war. Nothing was left to do in terms of military and political force. This war started to cost more than 400 billion US$. Turkey was one of the three countries mainly affected by the world economic crisis. The people's demand for peace, its economical and democratic demands as well as political demands forced the regime to make statements on the "Kurdish initiative".
Another side of this issue is the Kurdistan front. The PKK fretted the war will of the strongest army in the Middle East and the second biggest army of the NATO. It dragged the Turkish war army into a military deadlock. However, power relations and balances, regional and world balances, and the fact that the revolutionary movement couldn't manage to start a second front in the West of Turkey, made the colonial regime time to breathe. And it prevented the collapse of the balances. In 1999 PKK leader A. Ocalan was extradited, and following this, the PKK adopted a reformist line; both had an impact on the course of this struggle. It was also a fact that there were some contradictions and differences between the PKK and the Southern Kurdistan forces concerning the future of Kurdistan. Under these conditions the PKK emphasized its demands for a democratic republic and democratic autonomy instead of a national state. It raised its demand for a democratic peace. Demands were also raised such as including the Kurds' democratic and cultural rights in the constitution, a democratic Kurdish nation and democratic autonomy, own local authorities and the organisation of security forces.
The state is now holding the "road map" prepared by A. Ocalan in its hands. The real aim of the Turkish bourgeois state is to repulse the guerrilla struggle and the serhildans and to liquidate the PKK and the Kurdish national movement. It wants to do that by creating expectations extending over a certain period of time and by diverting. Nevertheless, its last statements continue to be a reflection of the traditional annihilation and denial politics.
Finally, the Kurds are not the former Kurds; they have lived national honour and freedom. And new Kurds armed with national consciousness and organisation are defending their posts and not retreating. As a matter of fact, the colonialist regime is accepting its military and political defeat with the manoeuvre it has experienced.
From now on nothing will be like before.