The new package with the change on the constitution is a new blow of the AKP to divert
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Without the working class' and oppressed people's urging action and power from the basis, we can't talk of a liberal bourgeois constitution, because constitutions are the organisation of the system. It is the legalisation of existing power relations and regime characters. Mainly it ensures the ruling classes' privileges and its hegemonies. 

1 June 2010 / International Bulletin / No 94

After the fiasco of the "Kurdish Initiative" the AKP government tries to become stronger within the state apparatus and win some posts by introducing a package of a new constitution. This package of change is desired and needed by the imperialist capital and its collaborating AKP government.
The Turkish constitution is a constitution of the military fascist coup of September 12, 1980. It is the fascist legal application on the colonial fascist state institutions and its process. It makes the ruling classes untouchable and the working class and oppressed face bans, oppression and disorganisation.
The Kurdish national democratic struggle, the democratic movement of the Alevi, the working class' and labourer masses' struggle for freedom, democracy and justice have forced the Turkish bourgeois state and its government to undertake some changes of packages or parts. The changes made so far haven't changed the origin of the constitution, its logic and quality. They were mainly regulations according to the wishes and needs of the imperialist globalisation politics.
The package on the constitution's change prepared by the AKP on altogether 28 paragraphs, 3 of them temporary, was discussed in parliament. (The "temporary" paragraphs were added after the fascist coup on September 12, 1980 but haven't been changed from being "temporary" for 30 years, these are paragraphs that don't allow the conviction of the putschists and deal with the position of the army within the state and its institutions.) And according to the decisions taken the way has been paved to make a referendum on all paragraphs.
This package also includes the abolition of the temporary paragraph 15 that bans the conviction of the military junta leaders of the coup on September 12, 1980. This means that the "jurisdictional immunity" for the members of the National Security Council as well as those working in the government and advisory council is no longer working.
The discussions on a change on the constitution were a fact that reflected the level of the crisis of the regime's structure and the struggle for hegemony between the ruling class cliques. They showed that the contradictions and clashes between the government-army, the government -jurisdiction, the government-oppositional parties have continued.
The AKP's change on the constitutional court and the structure of the High Council of Judges and Public Prosecutors don't change the fascist quality of these institutions. They haven't changed the difficulty of banning bourgeois system parties and threats to ban progressive parties such as the BDP . Political bans weren't abolished; they were reduced from 5 years to 3 years. And again, the 10% election threshold at the elections isn't going to be abolished which is one of the main democratic demands of the Kurdish people and whose main aim is to prevent revolutionary and progressive parties to enter parliament.
The package neither mentions the working class' and oppressed people's demand for freedom to speech, action and organisation nor the Kurdish nation's and minorities' demand to freedom.
This constitution is the constitution of the coup. With this package the AKP wants to be stronger among the power. It wants to strengthen its social basis looking like a party that changes some points.
Without the working class' and oppressed people's urging action and power from the basis, we can't talk of a liberal bourgeois constitution, because constitutions are the organisation of the system. It is the legalisation of existing power relations and regime characters. Mainly it ensures the ruling classes' privileges and its hegemonies.
During the discussions on the change of the constitution our party put up the demand "The putschist generals must be convicted, the fascist law of September 12, 1980 must be abolished!".It formulated political demands such as the right to become a member of a union and to strike to all employees, education in the mother tongue, the abolition of 10% election threshold, as well as social demands such as free transport, housing, health service and education to everybody as demands of the working class and oppressed. The people will make its constitution with revolutionary actions on the streets!
 

 

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The new package with the change on the constitution is a new blow of the AKP to divert
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Without the working class' and oppressed people's urging action and power from the basis, we can't talk of a liberal bourgeois constitution, because constitutions are the organisation of the system. It is the legalisation of existing power relations and regime characters. Mainly it ensures the ruling classes' privileges and its hegemonies. 

1 June 2010 / International Bulletin / No 94

After the fiasco of the "Kurdish Initiative" the AKP government tries to become stronger within the state apparatus and win some posts by introducing a package of a new constitution. This package of change is desired and needed by the imperialist capital and its collaborating AKP government.
The Turkish constitution is a constitution of the military fascist coup of September 12, 1980. It is the fascist legal application on the colonial fascist state institutions and its process. It makes the ruling classes untouchable and the working class and oppressed face bans, oppression and disorganisation.
The Kurdish national democratic struggle, the democratic movement of the Alevi, the working class' and labourer masses' struggle for freedom, democracy and justice have forced the Turkish bourgeois state and its government to undertake some changes of packages or parts. The changes made so far haven't changed the origin of the constitution, its logic and quality. They were mainly regulations according to the wishes and needs of the imperialist globalisation politics.
The package on the constitution's change prepared by the AKP on altogether 28 paragraphs, 3 of them temporary, was discussed in parliament. (The "temporary" paragraphs were added after the fascist coup on September 12, 1980 but haven't been changed from being "temporary" for 30 years, these are paragraphs that don't allow the conviction of the putschists and deal with the position of the army within the state and its institutions.) And according to the decisions taken the way has been paved to make a referendum on all paragraphs.
This package also includes the abolition of the temporary paragraph 15 that bans the conviction of the military junta leaders of the coup on September 12, 1980. This means that the "jurisdictional immunity" for the members of the National Security Council as well as those working in the government and advisory council is no longer working.
The discussions on a change on the constitution were a fact that reflected the level of the crisis of the regime's structure and the struggle for hegemony between the ruling class cliques. They showed that the contradictions and clashes between the government-army, the government -jurisdiction, the government-oppositional parties have continued.
The AKP's change on the constitutional court and the structure of the High Council of Judges and Public Prosecutors don't change the fascist quality of these institutions. They haven't changed the difficulty of banning bourgeois system parties and threats to ban progressive parties such as the BDP . Political bans weren't abolished; they were reduced from 5 years to 3 years. And again, the 10% election threshold at the elections isn't going to be abolished which is one of the main democratic demands of the Kurdish people and whose main aim is to prevent revolutionary and progressive parties to enter parliament.
The package neither mentions the working class' and oppressed people's demand for freedom to speech, action and organisation nor the Kurdish nation's and minorities' demand to freedom.
This constitution is the constitution of the coup. With this package the AKP wants to be stronger among the power. It wants to strengthen its social basis looking like a party that changes some points.
Without the working class' and oppressed people's urging action and power from the basis, we can't talk of a liberal bourgeois constitution, because constitutions are the organisation of the system. It is the legalisation of existing power relations and regime characters. Mainly it ensures the ruling classes' privileges and its hegemonies.
During the discussions on the change of the constitution our party put up the demand "The putschist generals must be convicted, the fascist law of September 12, 1980 must be abolished!".It formulated political demands such as the right to become a member of a union and to strike to all employees, education in the mother tongue, the abolition of 10% election threshold, as well as social demands such as free transport, housing, health service and education to everybody as demands of the working class and oppressed. The people will make its constitution with revolutionary actions on the streets!