The generalisation of the People's Democratic Congress ( HDK ) and initiatives and platforms of united action demanding equality, freedom, brotherhood of the peoples and judgement of the commiters of massacres show that not only chauvinism but also reaction against the massacres and the feelings of brotherhood, the force of action of the second is also growing in face of this racist massacre policy of the bourgeois state. 01 April 2012 /International Bulletin
On February 26, a fascist demonstration was organised at the Taksim Square in Istanbul under the name of "condemning the Massacre of Xhojaly on its anniversary", at which also the Minister of Internal Affairs, who spreads genocidious racist and fascist poison from his mouth whenever he speaks, was present and he gave the oaths of blood and revenge. The demonstrators hurled threats and insults at different peoples, first of all the Armenian people. They shouted the slogan "You are all bastards" as a respond to the slogan "We are all Armenians" which has become a symbol of the sensitivity and feelings of brotherhood of the peoples especially increased after the murder of Hrant Dink. Again within the context of the commemorations of Xhojaly, civil fasicsts attacked the revolutionary students with knives and choppers in Istanbul University, Ankara University and Hacettepe University. At the end of February, the houses of the Allevite people were marked with paint in Adiyaman. In the middle of March, the houses of about 40 Allevites were marked in Antep. This marking of the houses of the Allevites in Antep and Adiyaman brought back the Maras Massacre. Before that massacre, too, the houses of the Allevites were marked with red paint and right after the massacre started, the reactionary crowd provoked by the fascists attacked these houses before all others. Likewise, weeks before the provocation of September 6-7, 1955, the houses and shops of the Greek and the other non-Muslims were marked. The developments in Antep and Adiyaman raised the fear of new Maras-like massacres among the people. With the claim of prescription starting from March 13, 2012, the state rescued the responsible ones for the Madimak Massacre where a reactionary crowd provoked by the state had burnt alive 37 intellectuals, who were there for a cultural activity organised by the Allevite organisations, in 1992 in Sivas. The Gazi Massacre of March 12, 1995 was condemned with a mass protest as always, while the responsible ones for this massacre received no penalty and the revolutionaries who were arrested under the accusation of having leaded the local uprising that developed in face of this massacre are still in prison. In our region, where people from different religious denominations such as the Allevites, Sunnites, Jewish, Christian and Yezidies at the first place, from the Turkish and Kurdish nations and from more than 20 national minorities such as the Greek, Armenian, Arab, Terekeme, Laz, Circassian and Georgian, racist, genecidious and reactionary fascist massacres are one of the important methods on the base of which the Turkish bourgeois state executes its power. The Turkish bourgeois education system tells history on the base of the denial of the Kurdish nation and the national minorities, open defence of the genocides and massacres against Christian people, Armenians and Greek at the first place, and the unlimited humiliation of the Allevites, Christians and other religious denominations. At every process of increase of the working class' and labourers' struggle, racist fascist massacres are put in action in order to divide these struggles, hinder them and marginalise them from the people. Sivas Massacre , Gazi Massacre, Maras Maacre, Corum Masacre, Malatya Massacre and the Provocation of September 6-7 against the Greek people living in Istanbul are only a few of these. The Armenian genocide which is still denied by the state and innumerable massacres against the Kurdish people are special policies on their own. Through these massacres, the Turkish bourgeois state tries to replace the direct contradictions between the people and the fascist state and between labour and capital with reactionary polarisations such as Turkish/Kurdish, secular/pro-Shariah, Allevite/Sunnite etc. Civil fascist organisations have been used for many years and are still being used in order to form a buffer between the state and the revolutionaries. Racist lynching attacks against Kurdish labourers are specially being provoked and generalized especially since 2005. Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and the AKP government have left the carrot policy aside since the general elections in June 2011 and accelerated massacre policies. Roboski Massacre, by which the Turkish fighter aircraft killed 35 children and young people between the ages of 12-28 in the Roboski village of Kurdistan in the last week of 2011, has been a clear threat meaning that the state will not limit itself with tens of arrest and imprisonment every day and military operations against the guerrilla forces. The developments around the anniversary of Xhojaly and the threats of massacre against the Alevite people as well as the protection of the committers of the past massacres should be considered in this context. The generalisation of the People's Democratic Congress (HDK) and initiatives and platforms of united action demanding equality, freedom, brotherhood of the peoples and judgement of the commiters of massacres show that not only chauvinism but also reaction against the massacres and the feelings of brotherhood, the force of action of the second is also growing in face of this racist massacre policy of the bourgeois state. All these racist hateful discourses were responded by the actions of the progressive and revolutionary people from Allevite, Sunnite, Turkish, Kurdish, Greek, Armenian and Azerbaijani peoples. A comprehensive and in-action approach of HDK to this process can turn these increasing threats of massacre into a self-exploding provocation bomb in the own hands of the AKP government.
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