01 April 2014 / International Bulletin / Issue 138
According to the distribution of votes AKP and CHP are the winners of these local government elections. AKP received 41,7% of votes on 28th March 2004, 38,39% on 29th March 2009 and 45,56% on 30th March 2014. CHP received a share of 18,33%, 23,08% and 27,91% at the time. MHP received 10,45 %; 15,97% and 15,17% meanwhile DTP had a share of 5,70% in 2009 and in these elections BDP and HDP received together 6,14% of all votes. Yet appearances are deceptive. There's no doubt AKP has won a 'great Battle' due to the votes they won but they are still far from winning the war.
These elections have been seen as a referendum by public opinion. Maybe for that reason there was a high turnout at this election. It shows that voters had a strong and living interest in the elections. Yet taking a look at the topics the bourgeois parties covered during their campaigns, we can say that the political crisis still goes on and that chances are that it's going to convert into a crisis which will make the country ungovernable. We believe that because the results of these elections show that the crisis on the level of the government and the state still exists. In order to end this crisis the conflict will go on.
It would be a mistake to expect that the AKP is going to stop its war against the Gülen-Movement after that much 'hard facts'. The fact that AKP makes use of nationalistic statements to escalate the situation was openly announced by Erdoğan during his 'Balcony-Speech'. It's obivous that the AKP has no interest at all in sharing power with the Gülen-Movement. Erdoğan's 'Balcony-Speech' is nothing but a war declaration to everybody, no matter if in- or outside.
The presidential election and after that the parliamentary election are coming up next. AKP demonstrates that it will continue it's campagaigns just as before: Undermining, marginalizing and use of pressure. How much longer AKP is going to continue these politics also depends upon the further development regarding the relationships to foreign forces as USA or EU. USA and EU in the end of these elections ought to have understood that CHP, which is supported by the Gülen-Movement, is not able to grasp might. AKP is aware of that as well. When it comes to ruling there's no bourgeois alternative to AKP in present time. Maybe for that reason it could try once again to makes it's peace with USA and EU and to find a 'middle course' in order to reach accomodations. (The intensification of contradicitons between Rusia, USA and the EU owing to Ukraine and Crimea could put the issue of pipeline-security back on the agenda and Turkey could play it's 'There's no alternative to me!'-Card) We'll see how USA and EU are going to assess this 'pyrrhic victory' of AKP.
CHP, standard-bearer of chauvinism, has not lived up to its expectations but has suffered a great defeat. The CHP reduced the whole problem to AKP's corruption and was intent to back this up with the revelations of the Gülen-Movement. It could not develop any independent, leftist and effective politics. Their expectations to provoke a 'great explosion' against AKP based upon its corruption and oppression came to nought. This is the result of basing one's politics on a tape montaged by the Gülen-Movement and one's confidence in the support of USA and EU meanwhile yelling out that 'Tayip Erdoğan will drop might and flee long time before the 30th March'. Mainly CHP and (to a certain grade) MHP are the forces, that strengthen AKP-politics and play the role of its 'crutch'.
Another party which left the elections invigorated is MHP. No fundamental distinction can be made between the statements of this fascist party and those of AKP and CHP. But patiently dealing with the same topics as for instance its opposition to the 'peace process', rascism, chauvinism over and over again MHP reached to convert the hostility towards the Kurds into votes. Asked to name a winner of these elections it would be BDP. In northern Kurdistan AKP suffered a defeat to the kurdish national movement and BDP. BDP has amplifiyed its administration zones in northern Kurdistan, it conquered new mayoralties in provincial towns and districts. The BDP reached this result because it understood and formulated the demands of the kurdish people correctly. From BDP's point of view this result is a confirmation to the 'self-government' of the kurdish people as well as an expression of the internalization of the 'peace process'.
HDP represented the democratic united front of the communist and anti-fascist movement. In the Kurdish cities BDP participated in the elections, meanwhile in the Turkish cities HDP did. HDP and BDP received a share of 6,14% in these local government elections (BDP 4,09% and HDP 2,05%).
In these elections HDP was forced to work under the pressure of heavy fascist lynch attacks. Nevertheless it did not weaken it its internationalistic resolution. The votes it received form the Turkish are also very important in this respect. In the upcoming process HDP and HDK will continue their path with determination. Sucess depends on the pugnacity and leadership capacity of HDK when it comes to gather the anti-fascist parts of Turkish people in practice. The fact that HDP defended its independent attitude against the fascist attacks resolutely will unfold a great importance towards the other antifascist sectors.
From these elections for the revolutionaries and communists results the task to carry on with the struggle. The ongoing political crisis of the bourgeoisie offers the proletariat and the working masses unusual opportunities to reach and mobilize the masses.
One has to draw clonclusions from this.
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