Political Developments and Our Revolutionary Tactic
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Red Dawn / Issue 19 / Spring 2019

 

I - International Situation
The inter-imperialist contradictions are deepening. This deepening, on the one hand, manifests itself in the "trade wars" which have exacerbated between the USA and China, and been reflected in the EU, Japan and China, taking the role of flag-bearers of "free trade" against the USA under the Trump administration. Accordingly, the USA has been making some moves such as raising tariffs and withdrawing from some international trade deals, while Britain voted to leave the EU via a popular referendum.
These developments are the expression of the multiple dimensions of the contradiction between the integrated world market, the internationalization of capital and the sovereignty of nation states; in other words, the expression of imperialist globalization reaching its political limits.
The deepening of contradictions, on the other hand, is reflected in the examples of NATO expansionism against Russia in Eastern Europe and the recent Ukraine war, tensions with North Korea and threats against China in the East Asia, in the examples of wars and political aggression increasingly growing on a regional scale in North Africa and Middle East.
As the war in Middle East spreads out over the region, a USA-Saudi Arabia-Israel axis materialized during the Qatar crisis, while the Russia-Iran-Syria axis has been consolidated, and the military forces of USA and Russia have been directly intervening on the Syrian battlefield.
The dissolution of the USA's hegemony over the capitalist world has been more notable under the conditions where the existential crisis of capitalism has been extensively sharpening the inter-imperialist contradictions. The UN has been turned into an empty shell lacking will and function. The imperialist states have been entered into an accelerating arms race. The new axis formed by both the EU headed by France and Germany, and Russia and China, has been becoming more and more active on the field of inter-imperialist competition.
The world economy has been unable to rise again after the great depression of 2008. The economic policies applied in the Western capitalist countries as solutions to the depression, which are low interest rates, national debts, financialization and austerity measures, have been themselves generating the inner dynamics of the depression, deepening the crisis. Capital, whose fires of production are waning, has been tending to expand itself through the recurrent speculation waves. The result is the speeding up of the course towards an extremely devastating and imminent new economic crisis.
The tendency of polarization of the society into two politically opposite poles has been increasing rapidly under these conditions, this existential crisis of capitalism. Neo-fascist movements rising in the USA and EU countries have been feeding on the reaction of the lower and middle classes to the results of imperialist globalization, the loss of security, jobs and homes. The rolling-back bourgeois democratic norms and the tendency of fascistization of state structures find their plainest expression in the reactionary, fascistic transformation process of the political regime in the USA under the Trump administration.
The separation of capitalist society into two opposite poles, the exacerbation of the contradictions between capital and labor, state and people, brings about inevitable consequences, which can be seen in popular uprisings in many countries from Armenia to Tunisia to Brazil, and also in the growing worker's movements in countries from France to Bangladesh.
Moreover, the propensity of a people's rebellion, best symbolized by the "Yellow Vests" rebellion in France, once again shows that the "period of class reconciliation" in the capitalist metropolises has already become history.
Multiple gender contradictions have brought about the massive development of the women's liberation struggle - against abortion bans, unequal wages, fascist male dominance and violence against women in many countries from Poland to Argentina, from Iceland to Ireland and to USA. The 5 million in attendance in Spain on the 8th of March 2018 Women's Strike, which was internationalized in 2017, points out the immense current potential of the women's revolution. Popular uprisings in Iran and Iraq, the intensified national independence struggle in Catalonia and the 3rd Intifada in Palestine are recent prominent examples of struggles of the people.
The limits of all these movements brings the ever-increasing urgency of the need to meet the struggles of the working class and the oppressed with revolutionary political leaderships in order to move forward.
The straining of PSUV leadership in Venezuela while dealing with the conspiracy of USA and its collaborators and the surrendering of SYRIZA to EU imperialism prove that in today's conditions, political subjects claiming to be revolutionary leaderships have no political choice except either daring to go into civil war during the moments of revolutionary crisis - or yielding to bourgeoisie; these examples also prove that the only way out for the workers and oppressed is revolution.


II - The Situation in Turkey and Kurdistan
The 20 July 2015 ''Palace Coup'', which started with the Suruç massacre targeting young communists building bridges between the freedom struggles of Turkey and Kurdistan, intended to break the democratic popular will which emerged in June 7th 2015 elections, to start a new suppression wave of colonialist war, to crush the antifascist social dynamics, and for these, to gather all the apparatuses of the fascist state in the hand of Erdoğan. Since then, the fascist political-islamist restoration of the regime accelerated.
After suppressing the Gülenist military coup attempt on 15 July 2016, this process accelerated even more with governance through statutory decrees and fascist state of emergency applications. The fascist political-islamist dictator could only cross the turning point of 16 April 2017 referendum with the help of ballot stealing, fraud, naked repression and extortion then came to 24 June 2018 elections. As a result of this election, the fascist regime transformed from parliamentary form into presidential form; in short, it provided the transformation into what we might call the ''fascist chieftaincy regime''. With the establishment of political authority over the regime by dictator Erdoğan and his party AKP , the state crisis emerged in the fission of state apparatuses was overcome.
However, the crisis relationship of the fascist palace power with the imperialist states of the West and its tense relationship with the Turkish collaborative monopolist bourgeoisie continued, its politic sovereignty has not yet gained consistency. More importantly, despite all the violence of colonialist war in Kurdistan and of the fascist state terror in Turkey, the Erdoğan dictatorship could not defeat the Kurdish national democratic movement, could not conquer the democratic Alevi movement, could not break the will of revolutionary and anti-fascist movement. It couldn't prevent the growing of women's liberation movement, for instance, couldn't prevent women from quelling the fascist patriarchal resolution acquitting rape in the parliament during the state of emergency conditions.
The structural regime crisis couldn't be directed to any bourgeois solution path. Half of the society openly took a stand against Erdoğan's presidential dictatorship. Moreover, as the contradiction between the political-islamist fascism and political freedom has been sharpening, the bourgeois order left, finding its correspondence in People's Republican Party ( CHP ), experienced a clear loss of confidence of laborers and started to dissolve. Despite the withdrawal of antifascist masses in the face of fascist terror, they have not lost their potential for resistance and keep on taking the streets whenever possible. All these proved that dynamics of a revolutionary situation, which came out in the Gezi-June uprising; the conditions where any incident can trigger an outburst of people's uprising still exist.
The Turkish economy entered into a financial-economic crisis, which a shock of foreign currency and interest rate made its opening. During this process, international speculative capital movements caused serious concussions huge increases in foreign currency prices, interest rates and inflation rates occurred, foreign debt burden rang the bell of danger for bourgeoisie, the contradiction resulted from the position of Turkey as a financial-economic colony of Western imperialism, yet having a conflicting relationship again with Western imperialism ramped up. Thus, this process started to threaten the social-political pillars of the fascist chieftaincy regime more.
A following period kicked in as a result of unemployment and impoverishment, growing together with the financial-economic crisis, in which the working class will raise its rejection against the burden of the crisis put on its shoulders and will tend to stronger struggles against the fascist chieftaincy regime. As expected, a relatively stable worker's movement under the yoke of state of emergency and statutory decrees, made an entrance during this new period with effective steps taken on the course to break its shell, as symbolized in the outburst of anger of the construction workers of 3rd airport of Istanbul. Likewise, significant ecological struggles have developed to defend the natural and historical environment which was opened up by the fascist chief for his stooges to loot.
The colonialist fascist regime walked out on the negotiation table in Imralı where Abdullah Öcalan is imprisoned, and started applying an outrageous massacre policy intensifying the colonialist war in Bakurê (Northern) Kurdistan, occupying Rojava starting from Jarablus, beating off the national independence referendum in Başurê (Southern) Kurdistan with warmongering in order to crush any kind of national statute or demands of national statute of Kurdish people, to pulverize and liquidate struggles aiming to get collective national rights, by completely breaking their will.
The occupation Kirkuk by the Iraqi state after the Başûr referendum which is a legitimate national right, the occupation of Afrin by the Turkish state after a heroic resistance, and lastly occupational attack to Medya Defense Zones resulted in new challenges for Kurdistan revolution. Notwithstanding that, organizing self-governance resistances in Bakûr, the liberation of Manbij and Raqqa by the Rojava revolution and its spreading towards the North and East of theSyria Democratic Federation of Northern Syria were the historical acquisitions of Kurdistan revolution in the aforementioned period.
The colonialist fascist "extermination plan" couldn't break the guerrilla's will to enlarge the national liberation warfare in Bakurê Kurdistan which is kept under siege through covering the rural and urban areas with camera networks, continuous attacks of jöh-pöh (armed Special Forces-GendPolice Special Forces), designation of trustees instead of elected mayors of municipalities, waves of arresting waves, intermittent declaration of curfews every now and then and air bombardments strikes. All these developments also mean that the regional character of our unified revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan has become much more distinctive.
Since the 20 July 2015 palace coup until today, a period has passed where the struggle between revolution and counterrevolution has intensified, the fascist political-islamist palace power has aimed at crushing all the political forces of which it cannot make submit, and the accumulation of all the elements for a civil war have accelerated.
In this period, the objective role of illegal and violent forms of struggle has come to the fore more and more. Apart from taking the police and bourgeois army under his control, the fascist chief has also increasingly organized fascist paramilitary gangs: organizing people's self-defense has become more necessary than ever.


III - Our Revolutionary Tactic
In this political scene summarized with its general lines pointing out the existence of important revolutionary opportunities, the revolutionary tactic of our party is the tactic of active defense in the face of fascist political-islamist dictatorship, biding our time, but constantly on the prowl to strike blows against the oppressor.
In Turkey and Kurdistan, in this new period, every antifascist resistance and every antifascist action persisted and performed with a vanguard will, has modifying effects on the social mood, while boosting the morale and encouraging the masses who are angry with the fascist chieftaincy regime but have been withdrawn from the field.
Our party, will defend all the acquired legal revolutionary-democratic positions no matter what costs it has to confront and will use all forms of possible political mass-work among laborers and the oppressed in the field of de-facto legitimate struggle in order to awake and spread militant consciousness, appetite for struggle, and hope.
Apart from deployment of common forces of the unified underground front, which is the Peoples' Unified Revolution Movement (HBDH), in the guerrilla warfare in Dersim, Black Sea region and Amanos mountains, there will also be attempts to attract anti-fascist young people to people's militia especially in cities of Turkey and to spread the resistance.
All the potential possibilities in terms of developing the self-defense of the people and growing the struggle against the fascist chieftaincy regime with the means of violence will be explored. Our tactic of seizing the opportunities to hit political and military blows against fascism, on the other hand, necessitates aligning wider sections of laborers and the oppressed against fascism and more advanced politic military blows to create a will to overthrow the fascist palace power among many more people.
Moreover, the unified legal struggle front still remains in the focus of attraction of millions of workers, yet the liberal-reformist line within the front has increased its influence as a result of trimming of its politically most determined forces through the arrests. In the face of this, working for the revolutionary-democratic line to succeed in the hegemony struggle carries its critical importance in terms of alignment of masses on a revolutionary basis. In addition to this, putting forth a politic initiative and practical effort to widen the antifascist front with the participation of combatant sections of the laboring left movement of Turkey by relying on the acquired level of unified legal struggle front is a task for communists to handle seriously.
Both the revolutionary-democratic hegemony struggle within the unified legal struggle front and the initiative to expand the antifascist front, at the same time, necessitate a determined protection of the goal to politically isolate CHP. Because, the issue is about either the total mutilation of the dynamics of the struggle accumulated in the bosom of of the laborers and the oppressed by reconciliation of bourgeois interior layout - or deployment of them on a revolutionary basis.
Organizing the growing resistance of masses against Erdoğan and the dictatorship, or even pulling the laborers from the mass basis of CHP to more progressive struggles too, can only be possible with the political isolation of CHP. This, on the other hand, also requires a consistent nonstop ideological struggle with the petty-bourgeois reformism that ready to merge with CHP from our own unified legal struggle front.
Our party will carry out its socialist patriotic responsibility for both developing the Rojava revolution and defending Başûr against the occupier colonialism as well as the political struggle in Bakûre Kurdistan too. The communist vanguard will keep on taking its place in Kurdish national freedom war in armed and political forms in Bakûr, Rojava and lastly Başûr, and at the same time, with the aim to realise all the opportunities for a regional revolution in Middle East.
It will walk forward as a more localized force, as the vanguard communist force of the whole Kurdistan by shouldering military duties in Rojava and North Syria on the one side, and political and social duties in people's assemblies and communes on the other, by spreading its political works among Kurdish, Arabic, Assyrian, Asuri, Armenians, Turkmen, and Chechen peoples.
In the coming period, there is no doubt that desire of the dictator Erdogan to create an empire of fear with the police-dungeon-court terror and a graveyard silence based on fascist state coercion will cause even more intensification of the explosive politic materials being accumulating in the cells of society. The current target of our tactic is to unite workers'-laborers' struggles that probable to explode under the conditions of financial-economic crisis with freedom struggles probable to develop and spread against the fascist and colonialist tyranny, and through this, to prepare a united popular resistance.
In order to end the fascist chieftaincy regime, our party will walk along the path of organizing the united revolutionary leap of Kurds demanding national freedom, Alevis demanding freedom of belief, women demanding a sexually emancipated society, high-school and university youth demanding a democratic education and a free future, secular people demanding freedom of lifestyle, national and religious communities meeting on the common ground of freedom and democracy, anti-capitalist Muslims, lgbti+'s, intellectuals and artists; in short, of workers, the poor of the urban and rural, and all the oppressed thirsting for political freedom.
We, the communist vanguard, will maintain ourselves in a vanguard mode with the commitment to the victory of the revolution and a spirit of limitless sacrifice, in the underground work, on the legal front, in factories, corporations, laboring neighborhoods, high-schools, universities, streets, and squares - on all fronts and positions of struggle and war.
 

 

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Political Developments and Our Revolutionary Tactic
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Red Dawn / Issue 19 / Spring 2019

 

I - International Situation
The inter-imperialist contradictions are deepening. This deepening, on the one hand, manifests itself in the "trade wars" which have exacerbated between the USA and China, and been reflected in the EU, Japan and China, taking the role of flag-bearers of "free trade" against the USA under the Trump administration. Accordingly, the USA has been making some moves such as raising tariffs and withdrawing from some international trade deals, while Britain voted to leave the EU via a popular referendum.
These developments are the expression of the multiple dimensions of the contradiction between the integrated world market, the internationalization of capital and the sovereignty of nation states; in other words, the expression of imperialist globalization reaching its political limits.
The deepening of contradictions, on the other hand, is reflected in the examples of NATO expansionism against Russia in Eastern Europe and the recent Ukraine war, tensions with North Korea and threats against China in the East Asia, in the examples of wars and political aggression increasingly growing on a regional scale in North Africa and Middle East.
As the war in Middle East spreads out over the region, a USA-Saudi Arabia-Israel axis materialized during the Qatar crisis, while the Russia-Iran-Syria axis has been consolidated, and the military forces of USA and Russia have been directly intervening on the Syrian battlefield.
The dissolution of the USA's hegemony over the capitalist world has been more notable under the conditions where the existential crisis of capitalism has been extensively sharpening the inter-imperialist contradictions. The UN has been turned into an empty shell lacking will and function. The imperialist states have been entered into an accelerating arms race. The new axis formed by both the EU headed by France and Germany, and Russia and China, has been becoming more and more active on the field of inter-imperialist competition.
The world economy has been unable to rise again after the great depression of 2008. The economic policies applied in the Western capitalist countries as solutions to the depression, which are low interest rates, national debts, financialization and austerity measures, have been themselves generating the inner dynamics of the depression, deepening the crisis. Capital, whose fires of production are waning, has been tending to expand itself through the recurrent speculation waves. The result is the speeding up of the course towards an extremely devastating and imminent new economic crisis.
The tendency of polarization of the society into two politically opposite poles has been increasing rapidly under these conditions, this existential crisis of capitalism. Neo-fascist movements rising in the USA and EU countries have been feeding on the reaction of the lower and middle classes to the results of imperialist globalization, the loss of security, jobs and homes. The rolling-back bourgeois democratic norms and the tendency of fascistization of state structures find their plainest expression in the reactionary, fascistic transformation process of the political regime in the USA under the Trump administration.
The separation of capitalist society into two opposite poles, the exacerbation of the contradictions between capital and labor, state and people, brings about inevitable consequences, which can be seen in popular uprisings in many countries from Armenia to Tunisia to Brazil, and also in the growing worker's movements in countries from France to Bangladesh.
Moreover, the propensity of a people's rebellion, best symbolized by the "Yellow Vests" rebellion in France, once again shows that the "period of class reconciliation" in the capitalist metropolises has already become history.
Multiple gender contradictions have brought about the massive development of the women's liberation struggle - against abortion bans, unequal wages, fascist male dominance and violence against women in many countries from Poland to Argentina, from Iceland to Ireland and to USA. The 5 million in attendance in Spain on the 8th of March 2018 Women's Strike, which was internationalized in 2017, points out the immense current potential of the women's revolution. Popular uprisings in Iran and Iraq, the intensified national independence struggle in Catalonia and the 3rd Intifada in Palestine are recent prominent examples of struggles of the people.
The limits of all these movements brings the ever-increasing urgency of the need to meet the struggles of the working class and the oppressed with revolutionary political leaderships in order to move forward.
The straining of PSUV leadership in Venezuela while dealing with the conspiracy of USA and its collaborators and the surrendering of SYRIZA to EU imperialism prove that in today's conditions, political subjects claiming to be revolutionary leaderships have no political choice except either daring to go into civil war during the moments of revolutionary crisis - or yielding to bourgeoisie; these examples also prove that the only way out for the workers and oppressed is revolution.


II - The Situation in Turkey and Kurdistan
The 20 July 2015 ''Palace Coup'', which started with the Suruç massacre targeting young communists building bridges between the freedom struggles of Turkey and Kurdistan, intended to break the democratic popular will which emerged in June 7th 2015 elections, to start a new suppression wave of colonialist war, to crush the antifascist social dynamics, and for these, to gather all the apparatuses of the fascist state in the hand of Erdoğan. Since then, the fascist political-islamist restoration of the regime accelerated.
After suppressing the Gülenist military coup attempt on 15 July 2016, this process accelerated even more with governance through statutory decrees and fascist state of emergency applications. The fascist political-islamist dictator could only cross the turning point of 16 April 2017 referendum with the help of ballot stealing, fraud, naked repression and extortion then came to 24 June 2018 elections. As a result of this election, the fascist regime transformed from parliamentary form into presidential form; in short, it provided the transformation into what we might call the ''fascist chieftaincy regime''. With the establishment of political authority over the regime by dictator Erdoğan and his party AKP , the state crisis emerged in the fission of state apparatuses was overcome.
However, the crisis relationship of the fascist palace power with the imperialist states of the West and its tense relationship with the Turkish collaborative monopolist bourgeoisie continued, its politic sovereignty has not yet gained consistency. More importantly, despite all the violence of colonialist war in Kurdistan and of the fascist state terror in Turkey, the Erdoğan dictatorship could not defeat the Kurdish national democratic movement, could not conquer the democratic Alevi movement, could not break the will of revolutionary and anti-fascist movement. It couldn't prevent the growing of women's liberation movement, for instance, couldn't prevent women from quelling the fascist patriarchal resolution acquitting rape in the parliament during the state of emergency conditions.
The structural regime crisis couldn't be directed to any bourgeois solution path. Half of the society openly took a stand against Erdoğan's presidential dictatorship. Moreover, as the contradiction between the political-islamist fascism and political freedom has been sharpening, the bourgeois order left, finding its correspondence in People's Republican Party ( CHP ), experienced a clear loss of confidence of laborers and started to dissolve. Despite the withdrawal of antifascist masses in the face of fascist terror, they have not lost their potential for resistance and keep on taking the streets whenever possible. All these proved that dynamics of a revolutionary situation, which came out in the Gezi-June uprising; the conditions where any incident can trigger an outburst of people's uprising still exist.
The Turkish economy entered into a financial-economic crisis, which a shock of foreign currency and interest rate made its opening. During this process, international speculative capital movements caused serious concussions huge increases in foreign currency prices, interest rates and inflation rates occurred, foreign debt burden rang the bell of danger for bourgeoisie, the contradiction resulted from the position of Turkey as a financial-economic colony of Western imperialism, yet having a conflicting relationship again with Western imperialism ramped up. Thus, this process started to threaten the social-political pillars of the fascist chieftaincy regime more.
A following period kicked in as a result of unemployment and impoverishment, growing together with the financial-economic crisis, in which the working class will raise its rejection against the burden of the crisis put on its shoulders and will tend to stronger struggles against the fascist chieftaincy regime. As expected, a relatively stable worker's movement under the yoke of state of emergency and statutory decrees, made an entrance during this new period with effective steps taken on the course to break its shell, as symbolized in the outburst of anger of the construction workers of 3rd airport of Istanbul. Likewise, significant ecological struggles have developed to defend the natural and historical environment which was opened up by the fascist chief for his stooges to loot.
The colonialist fascist regime walked out on the negotiation table in Imralı where Abdullah Öcalan is imprisoned, and started applying an outrageous massacre policy intensifying the colonialist war in Bakurê (Northern) Kurdistan, occupying Rojava starting from Jarablus, beating off the national independence referendum in Başurê (Southern) Kurdistan with warmongering in order to crush any kind of national statute or demands of national statute of Kurdish people, to pulverize and liquidate struggles aiming to get collective national rights, by completely breaking their will.
The occupation Kirkuk by the Iraqi state after the Başûr referendum which is a legitimate national right, the occupation of Afrin by the Turkish state after a heroic resistance, and lastly occupational attack to Medya Defense Zones resulted in new challenges for Kurdistan revolution. Notwithstanding that, organizing self-governance resistances in Bakûr, the liberation of Manbij and Raqqa by the Rojava revolution and its spreading towards the North and East of theSyria Democratic Federation of Northern Syria were the historical acquisitions of Kurdistan revolution in the aforementioned period.
The colonialist fascist "extermination plan" couldn't break the guerrilla's will to enlarge the national liberation warfare in Bakurê Kurdistan which is kept under siege through covering the rural and urban areas with camera networks, continuous attacks of jöh-pöh (armed Special Forces-GendPolice Special Forces), designation of trustees instead of elected mayors of municipalities, waves of arresting waves, intermittent declaration of curfews every now and then and air bombardments strikes. All these developments also mean that the regional character of our unified revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan has become much more distinctive.
Since the 20 July 2015 palace coup until today, a period has passed where the struggle between revolution and counterrevolution has intensified, the fascist political-islamist palace power has aimed at crushing all the political forces of which it cannot make submit, and the accumulation of all the elements for a civil war have accelerated.
In this period, the objective role of illegal and violent forms of struggle has come to the fore more and more. Apart from taking the police and bourgeois army under his control, the fascist chief has also increasingly organized fascist paramilitary gangs: organizing people's self-defense has become more necessary than ever.


III - Our Revolutionary Tactic
In this political scene summarized with its general lines pointing out the existence of important revolutionary opportunities, the revolutionary tactic of our party is the tactic of active defense in the face of fascist political-islamist dictatorship, biding our time, but constantly on the prowl to strike blows against the oppressor.
In Turkey and Kurdistan, in this new period, every antifascist resistance and every antifascist action persisted and performed with a vanguard will, has modifying effects on the social mood, while boosting the morale and encouraging the masses who are angry with the fascist chieftaincy regime but have been withdrawn from the field.
Our party, will defend all the acquired legal revolutionary-democratic positions no matter what costs it has to confront and will use all forms of possible political mass-work among laborers and the oppressed in the field of de-facto legitimate struggle in order to awake and spread militant consciousness, appetite for struggle, and hope.
Apart from deployment of common forces of the unified underground front, which is the Peoples' Unified Revolution Movement (HBDH), in the guerrilla warfare in Dersim, Black Sea region and Amanos mountains, there will also be attempts to attract anti-fascist young people to people's militia especially in cities of Turkey and to spread the resistance.
All the potential possibilities in terms of developing the self-defense of the people and growing the struggle against the fascist chieftaincy regime with the means of violence will be explored. Our tactic of seizing the opportunities to hit political and military blows against fascism, on the other hand, necessitates aligning wider sections of laborers and the oppressed against fascism and more advanced politic military blows to create a will to overthrow the fascist palace power among many more people.
Moreover, the unified legal struggle front still remains in the focus of attraction of millions of workers, yet the liberal-reformist line within the front has increased its influence as a result of trimming of its politically most determined forces through the arrests. In the face of this, working for the revolutionary-democratic line to succeed in the hegemony struggle carries its critical importance in terms of alignment of masses on a revolutionary basis. In addition to this, putting forth a politic initiative and practical effort to widen the antifascist front with the participation of combatant sections of the laboring left movement of Turkey by relying on the acquired level of unified legal struggle front is a task for communists to handle seriously.
Both the revolutionary-democratic hegemony struggle within the unified legal struggle front and the initiative to expand the antifascist front, at the same time, necessitate a determined protection of the goal to politically isolate CHP. Because, the issue is about either the total mutilation of the dynamics of the struggle accumulated in the bosom of of the laborers and the oppressed by reconciliation of bourgeois interior layout - or deployment of them on a revolutionary basis.
Organizing the growing resistance of masses against Erdoğan and the dictatorship, or even pulling the laborers from the mass basis of CHP to more progressive struggles too, can only be possible with the political isolation of CHP. This, on the other hand, also requires a consistent nonstop ideological struggle with the petty-bourgeois reformism that ready to merge with CHP from our own unified legal struggle front.
Our party will carry out its socialist patriotic responsibility for both developing the Rojava revolution and defending Başûr against the occupier colonialism as well as the political struggle in Bakûre Kurdistan too. The communist vanguard will keep on taking its place in Kurdish national freedom war in armed and political forms in Bakûr, Rojava and lastly Başûr, and at the same time, with the aim to realise all the opportunities for a regional revolution in Middle East.
It will walk forward as a more localized force, as the vanguard communist force of the whole Kurdistan by shouldering military duties in Rojava and North Syria on the one side, and political and social duties in people's assemblies and communes on the other, by spreading its political works among Kurdish, Arabic, Assyrian, Asuri, Armenians, Turkmen, and Chechen peoples.
In the coming period, there is no doubt that desire of the dictator Erdogan to create an empire of fear with the police-dungeon-court terror and a graveyard silence based on fascist state coercion will cause even more intensification of the explosive politic materials being accumulating in the cells of society. The current target of our tactic is to unite workers'-laborers' struggles that probable to explode under the conditions of financial-economic crisis with freedom struggles probable to develop and spread against the fascist and colonialist tyranny, and through this, to prepare a united popular resistance.
In order to end the fascist chieftaincy regime, our party will walk along the path of organizing the united revolutionary leap of Kurds demanding national freedom, Alevis demanding freedom of belief, women demanding a sexually emancipated society, high-school and university youth demanding a democratic education and a free future, secular people demanding freedom of lifestyle, national and religious communities meeting on the common ground of freedom and democracy, anti-capitalist Muslims, lgbti+'s, intellectuals and artists; in short, of workers, the poor of the urban and rural, and all the oppressed thirsting for political freedom.
We, the communist vanguard, will maintain ourselves in a vanguard mode with the commitment to the victory of the revolution and a spirit of limitless sacrifice, in the underground work, on the legal front, in factories, corporations, laboring neighborhoods, high-schools, universities, streets, and squares - on all fronts and positions of struggle and war.