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Starting with the bourgeois industrial and business organizations TÜSIAD and MÜSIAD, all representatives of the bourgeoisie in Turkey have pledged their support to the war and occupation strike in Efrîn. Some bosses have even gone so far as to assure the state to send as many workers from their factories to the war as they would like, together with a guarantee to reinstate everyone if they come back. What is the object behind this madness? What does the colonial bourgeoisie of Turkey want in Efrîn? A market? Probably nobody will say yes. Then, where do these feverish supports come from?
It should not be forgotten that Turkish bourgeoisie is not only an exploiter, but also a colonialist. Any kind of a development in the Kurdistan national liberation, any sort of a gain of status in its parts arises a fear in the Turkish bourgeoisie of losing Northern Kurdistan, which is imprisoned in the borders of Turkey. So either as an independence referendum in Southern Kurdistan or as the revolution in Rojava, wherever the Kurdish national liberation struggle progress, there the Turkish state attacks to suppress. If the Northern Kurdistan were free, Turkey would no longer be Turkey today. A free Northern Kurdistan would mean the dissolution of the Turkish state. That is why the suppression of the Kurdish national liberation struggle is a question of survival for Turkey. The Turkish bourgeoisie benefits from the oppression of the Kurds. It plunders the wealth of Kurdistan, shatters local economic structures in order to take the market under its control and uses Kurds as cheap labor. This is a direct result of the privilege of being the oppressive nation. But is that all? No. Thanks to its colonial sovereignty over Northern Kurdistan, Turkey stands as the agent for the importation of petrol and natural gas from Middle East and Caucasus to Europe and this increases Turkey's appetite to be a hegemonic power in the region. The geostrategic importance of Turkey gains its mostly depending on the Northern Kurdistan, if a part of Kurdistan would be liberated, that would mean the loss of this status. Without Northern Kurdistan, Turkey would not be more than a country in Caucasus or the Balkans. That is the reason behind why the Turkish nationalist and political Islamist fascists are yelling day and long as " we are wanted to be jammed in Anatolia!"
The chauvinism of the dominant nation in Turkey and the colonial attacks are based on this class reality. This is the reason why Turkish bourgeoisie attacks on Efrîn; it conducts a class struggle there. That's why, the point is not Efrîn itself, but the Kurds and Kurdistan. It is about the destruction of the Kurdish national liberation struggle. While this stands as a matter of a national liberation for Kurds, it is a question of a class struggle for the Turkish state. The bourgeois parties and the state are merely the means of these class interests.
Now it's clear what Turkish bourgeoisie is all about. But what about the Turkish oppressed?
Chauvinism is running at full speed. Volunteers to participate the occupation emerged, for example, 300 workers in a factory in Elazig. Some trade unions, the nationalist ones, call for supporting the occupation. On the border, women prepare food for "their" soldiers. It is quite clear that some of these cases have been prepared directly by the psychological war propaganda. But the bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism of the oppressive nation affects the entire nation, as well as the working class. The class interests of the bourgeoisie do not rest only on the colonization of Kurdistan. The chauvinism of an oppressive nation also serves to prevent its own workers and laborers from fighting against their own bourgeoisie and from developing class consciousness. So that they become soldiers of bourgeois class interests.
About Ireland's liberation from the colonial yoke of Britain and the liberation of the English workers, Marx once believed that the destruction of the regime in Ireland was depended on the development and strengthening of the English working class. After that, however, he defended the exact opposite; unless the Ireland won't be liberated, the English working class would not succeed. That is, he founded the roots of English reactionism in the oppression of Ireland. The relationship between Kurd's national liberation and the liberation of the Turkish workers and laborers is the same. Unless the Kurds have achieved their national liberation, Turkish workers and laborers will not be able to liberate themselves. The roots of the Turkish reactionism lyes in the colonialism of Kurdistan. That is why the Kurdish national liberation struggle is a class struggle of the Turkish workers and laborers!
Any support for the suppression of Kurdistan strengthens Turkish bourgeoisie. Any support for the Kurdish national liberation struggle is a direct benefit for workers and laborers in the sense of their own class interests. In that sense, their existence should pass beyond just a support from outside and transform to embrace this national liberation struggle as their own struggle. As long as the Turkish working class does not understand that the Kurdish national liberation struggle is its own class struggle, it will not be able to find the revolutionary path and free itself from the political and ideological hegemony of the Turkish state. That is why Efrîn is not just Efrîn. Efrîn is class struggle. The defeat of the occupying Turkish army is not only the defeat of the Turkish state itself, but all the bosses, their ideological tools, chauvinism, and left-wing social-chauvinism. Just as how Turkish bourgeoisie defends the occupying army with all its heart, the Turkish working class has to put its heart to join the defense Efrîn. Building fronts in the class struggle runs exactly through this form. The Neutrality and restraint means nothing other than a being a servant of Turkish bourgeoisie.
This attack on Efrîn is the first strike of Turkish state for its total war against Rojava. Rojava has become a hope for the peoples of Middle East and the world. By being a women's revolution in particular, it has not been developed as only a national liberation struggle, but became a new form of a revolutionary democratic society. The defense of Efrîn in that sense is the defense of a an international class struggle. Efrîn is Turkey, it is Middle East and the whole world. All the world's progressive and revolutionary peoples must join in defending and supporting Efrîn. This is a class struggle, a struggle of defending and raising the revolutionary hope!
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