The Regime's Reality and Our Revolution
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The capital, fascism and colonialism re-positions itself against the sharpening class, national and social contradictions. The militarist strategy, which was put into practice during Newroz and had strengthened the Generals' position, is conspicuous in terms of the aim and tactics of putrefying especially the progressive Turkish popular masses by pulling them into the chauvinist, social chauvinist quagmire. Through chauvinist-racist mass demonstrations organised against the national democratic struggle of the guerrilla and our Kurdish people, and the lynch attacks and provocations developed against revolutionaries, the feelings and thoughts of the wide masses are being tried to be transferred to the channel of new militarist strategy.

(...)

By making appeal of "total struggle", the General Staff of the Capital has displayed on what basis the new strategy -that putted into practice months before- wanted to be elevated. (...) the Appeals made upon the masses, house-owners, the directors of apartment blocks-complexes, neighbours, the massacre in Mercan Valley, (...) the fascist state terror, activation of civil-fascist gangs, and the attacks and provocations of the counter-guerrilla in various forms are the classic military elements of the "total offence".

Whilst the total offence plan of fascism and colonialism did not ensure a common will and unanimity on how to suffocate-repress the Kurdish national mass movement and how to overcome the administrative crisis, their common volition on disgracing, dividing and crushing the communist, revolutionary and national democratic parties and organisations; breaking the determination and strength in the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed will continue.

The most danger in the near future is the fascist Generals' activities on diverting the angers and gradually the violence and reaction of the Turkish workers and toilers -those who have been depressed under the pressure of problems such as unemployment, poverty, housing matter and huge taxes, and could not bring up any hope for future- towards the "so-called citizens", "separatists" and "terrorists".

They think that international conditions today will legitimise the fascist state terror and new fascist prohibitions that they want to increase and spread out. They think they are face to face with an opportunity to implement their plans under the umbrella of the USA and EU imperialists' "tough measures against terrorism", and do not want to miss that. They have restored the relations with the USA (...) It appears that they are not going to use strong language against the EU and are going to approach to the question on the USA perspective. As today, accession to the EU is considered as the work of next decade by the ruling circles in all. This is a situation that eases the Generals. And for the circles in TUSIAD (Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen) -who says "democratic surge is succeeded, now it is the time for economic breakthrough"- it means there will be no important problem if these steps would not be re-taken.

After all these, we can describe the "actual-periodic" goals of the new fascist offence as follows:

1) To let all legal Kurdish organisations, intellectuals and artists, popular masses to take attitude against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) who do not find individual cultural rights adequate and wants recognition of Kurds as a nation or people, even under the colonialist yoke; and recognition of the cultural and democratic rights in the collective frames. To organise pressure of "immediately and unconditionally take away of weapons". To develop political submission and create divisions by spreading the virus "there is no hope for victory" among the PKK ranks.

2) To articulate the progressive Turkish intellectuals and artists to the regime under the name of being against the "separatism and terror"; to tow the anger and energies of the Turkish popular masses -who are full of reaction due to economic-social conditions- to the fascist dictatorship; and to spread this to the very wide substratum in the form of "Turk-Kurd" polarisation.

3) To give blows on the leadership levels to the communist and revolutionary parties and organisations; to introvert, make unpretentious and darken the horizons of them by way of offence and siege.

4) To impede, restrict, destroy the revolutionary legitimacy that has been gained in the political mass agitation and work; to take under de facto legal pressure and drag into immorality the ones who are conducting activities and those forces who could potentially be interested.

5) To weaken and cut the mass ties starting with the sympathisers of the revolutionary movement, to prevent flow of fresh blood to their ranks, and to break their beliefs-devoutness in the fight and for the victory.

For all of these, except the attacks on the communist, revolutionary and national democratic parties and organisations, it appears that various methods such as the fascist state terror and civil-fascist attacks; the chauvinist-racist mass demonstrations that would be organised, incited and directed; the arrests and the "citizens" attacks and provocations during the press conferences and etc; the charlatanry of "support and applause to the police and soldiers"; and the fascist psychological war based on the systematic lies are going to be used against the revolutionary and anti-fascist demonstrations, the resister workers' and toilers' actions, the revolutionary-progressive institutions and legal organisations. (...)

The problem lies in developing the revolutionary solution, raising the fight for freedom. The problem lies in directing Turkish popular masses to take attitude against the USA servant fascist Generals and collaborationist capital oligarchy on the basis of Turkish labourer patriotism and interests of the oppressed. It lies in turning struggles of the Kurdish national mass movement and the proletariat and oppressed into one single front. Revolutionary polarisation and revolutionary front-ship: This is the thing what should be ensured on the feeling, thinking and action.

We are in a period of hardness, serous dangers and loaded with important revolutionary opportunities. (...)

If we will not be a party, its organisations and militants that know how to learn, that have the feeling of renewal, that advancing by destroying its own borders and that equipped with courage and the spirit of sacrifice than we cannot obviate our tasks in this historical threshold. Under these conditions, our party -which will uninterruptedly continue to strengthen its ability to live and develop; its belief, courage and commitment to shoulder the revolution- will act in the consciousness to be ready for tough battles, determinative fights and to direct the process on this basis.

What we see when we consider developments in the last few months within the broader circles -except their actual political meaning and the actual political tasks that they bear- the foresight of "the revolution which will advance by series of civil wars"and the "possibility of an USA occupation in order to suppress our revolution", both putted in our document of "strategy" in the light of the social material realities of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan and the lessons of the past 30 years of class struggle, are the basic truths that we should never forget even for a moment.

Thanks to this conception and consciousness, it is a very clear issue for Marxist Leninist Communists that the party -which will lead the revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan- should have a strong illegal skeleton, a network of strong semi-legal and legal organisations that encircles the other, an unwearied mass activity and should position in a way to breed together with the masses; it should have a line of struggle to organise the feelings and thoughts of the masses, and educate the proletariat and oppressed within the battle; and it should have a politic-military practice-power that materialises the millions of toilers' hope and alternative of revolutionary power and a gradually deepening international revolutionary perspectives. This is the path that we are marching and will continue to march.

Party marches under fire (...)

* This article which we summarised and published is taken from the 47th Issue of the Voice of Party.

 

 

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The Regime's Reality and Our Revolution
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The capital, fascism and colonialism re-positions itself against the sharpening class, national and social contradictions. The militarist strategy, which was put into practice during Newroz and had strengthened the Generals' position, is conspicuous in terms of the aim and tactics of putrefying especially the progressive Turkish popular masses by pulling them into the chauvinist, social chauvinist quagmire. Through chauvinist-racist mass demonstrations organised against the national democratic struggle of the guerrilla and our Kurdish people, and the lynch attacks and provocations developed against revolutionaries, the feelings and thoughts of the wide masses are being tried to be transferred to the channel of new militarist strategy.

(...)

By making appeal of "total struggle", the General Staff of the Capital has displayed on what basis the new strategy -that putted into practice months before- wanted to be elevated. (...) the Appeals made upon the masses, house-owners, the directors of apartment blocks-complexes, neighbours, the massacre in Mercan Valley, (...) the fascist state terror, activation of civil-fascist gangs, and the attacks and provocations of the counter-guerrilla in various forms are the classic military elements of the "total offence".

Whilst the total offence plan of fascism and colonialism did not ensure a common will and unanimity on how to suffocate-repress the Kurdish national mass movement and how to overcome the administrative crisis, their common volition on disgracing, dividing and crushing the communist, revolutionary and national democratic parties and organisations; breaking the determination and strength in the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed will continue.

The most danger in the near future is the fascist Generals' activities on diverting the angers and gradually the violence and reaction of the Turkish workers and toilers -those who have been depressed under the pressure of problems such as unemployment, poverty, housing matter and huge taxes, and could not bring up any hope for future- towards the "so-called citizens", "separatists" and "terrorists".

They think that international conditions today will legitimise the fascist state terror and new fascist prohibitions that they want to increase and spread out. They think they are face to face with an opportunity to implement their plans under the umbrella of the USA and EU imperialists' "tough measures against terrorism", and do not want to miss that. They have restored the relations with the USA (...) It appears that they are not going to use strong language against the EU and are going to approach to the question on the USA perspective. As today, accession to the EU is considered as the work of next decade by the ruling circles in all. This is a situation that eases the Generals. And for the circles in TUSIAD (Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen) -who says "democratic surge is succeeded, now it is the time for economic breakthrough"- it means there will be no important problem if these steps would not be re-taken.

After all these, we can describe the "actual-periodic" goals of the new fascist offence as follows:

1) To let all legal Kurdish organisations, intellectuals and artists, popular masses to take attitude against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) who do not find individual cultural rights adequate and wants recognition of Kurds as a nation or people, even under the colonialist yoke; and recognition of the cultural and democratic rights in the collective frames. To organise pressure of "immediately and unconditionally take away of weapons". To develop political submission and create divisions by spreading the virus "there is no hope for victory" among the PKK ranks.

2) To articulate the progressive Turkish intellectuals and artists to the regime under the name of being against the "separatism and terror"; to tow the anger and energies of the Turkish popular masses -who are full of reaction due to economic-social conditions- to the fascist dictatorship; and to spread this to the very wide substratum in the form of "Turk-Kurd" polarisation.

3) To give blows on the leadership levels to the communist and revolutionary parties and organisations; to introvert, make unpretentious and darken the horizons of them by way of offence and siege.

4) To impede, restrict, destroy the revolutionary legitimacy that has been gained in the political mass agitation and work; to take under de facto legal pressure and drag into immorality the ones who are conducting activities and those forces who could potentially be interested.

5) To weaken and cut the mass ties starting with the sympathisers of the revolutionary movement, to prevent flow of fresh blood to their ranks, and to break their beliefs-devoutness in the fight and for the victory.

For all of these, except the attacks on the communist, revolutionary and national democratic parties and organisations, it appears that various methods such as the fascist state terror and civil-fascist attacks; the chauvinist-racist mass demonstrations that would be organised, incited and directed; the arrests and the "citizens" attacks and provocations during the press conferences and etc; the charlatanry of "support and applause to the police and soldiers"; and the fascist psychological war based on the systematic lies are going to be used against the revolutionary and anti-fascist demonstrations, the resister workers' and toilers' actions, the revolutionary-progressive institutions and legal organisations. (...)

The problem lies in developing the revolutionary solution, raising the fight for freedom. The problem lies in directing Turkish popular masses to take attitude against the USA servant fascist Generals and collaborationist capital oligarchy on the basis of Turkish labourer patriotism and interests of the oppressed. It lies in turning struggles of the Kurdish national mass movement and the proletariat and oppressed into one single front. Revolutionary polarisation and revolutionary front-ship: This is the thing what should be ensured on the feeling, thinking and action.

We are in a period of hardness, serous dangers and loaded with important revolutionary opportunities. (...)

If we will not be a party, its organisations and militants that know how to learn, that have the feeling of renewal, that advancing by destroying its own borders and that equipped with courage and the spirit of sacrifice than we cannot obviate our tasks in this historical threshold. Under these conditions, our party -which will uninterruptedly continue to strengthen its ability to live and develop; its belief, courage and commitment to shoulder the revolution- will act in the consciousness to be ready for tough battles, determinative fights and to direct the process on this basis.

What we see when we consider developments in the last few months within the broader circles -except their actual political meaning and the actual political tasks that they bear- the foresight of "the revolution which will advance by series of civil wars"and the "possibility of an USA occupation in order to suppress our revolution", both putted in our document of "strategy" in the light of the social material realities of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan and the lessons of the past 30 years of class struggle, are the basic truths that we should never forget even for a moment.

Thanks to this conception and consciousness, it is a very clear issue for Marxist Leninist Communists that the party -which will lead the revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan- should have a strong illegal skeleton, a network of strong semi-legal and legal organisations that encircles the other, an unwearied mass activity and should position in a way to breed together with the masses; it should have a line of struggle to organise the feelings and thoughts of the masses, and educate the proletariat and oppressed within the battle; and it should have a politic-military practice-power that materialises the millions of toilers' hope and alternative of revolutionary power and a gradually deepening international revolutionary perspectives. This is the path that we are marching and will continue to march.

Party marches under fire (...)

* This article which we summarised and published is taken from the 47th Issue of the Voice of Party.