The Dialectic of Breaks and Leaps at the Developmental Thresholds of A Revolutionary
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 Red Dawn / Issue 18 / Winter 2018-19

Everyone who looks at social life a bit analytically can easily become aware of the fact that there are countless "transition moments" in human life. From birth until the end of life, countless transitional moments are hidden throughout life, but they are also hidden in certain stages. Start with crawling and running, spelling and speaking; beginning the school, changing home, changing education or profession, changing to another city or country, loving, falling in love, marrying, divorcing, completion of primary or elementary school, changing school, beginning high school or university, changing the current social environment, becoming mother or father, joining to an any form of organization, plunging into political struggle, creating cultural, sportive or artistic artifacts, debiting, undertaking new responsibilities...
In human life, countless given situations disappear as they get obsolete and innumerable new situations arise. There are turning points and thresholds between given situations and new situations. Human is a social being and the "human as an individual" is nothing but the sum of social relationships. As in all other times, the human as an individual can not be segregated from society and can not be treated in isolation, even in the moments of transition. Thus, the moments of transition can also be comprehended through the interaction of the human as an individual with its whole social relations. But each threshold, each transition moment is conditioned by "internal struggle". And this internal struggle takes place in interaction with the social environment in which it realizes itself.
As in social life, there are also countless "transition moments" and turning points in the revolutionary life for the vigorous builders of the party and revolution, ranging to administrators and leaders. Tasks and responsibilities of a revolutionary change and a revolutionary goes from one field to another task. The working area may change, from the de-facto legitimate struggle front to the free underground; a mass agitator may turn into a commander of the militia, or vice versa, if the conditions allow. One may be a propagandist, but becomes an organizer, a soldier or a commander, and vice versa. One may be a soldier or commander in the urban guerrilla, but may have to move to the rural guerrilla. One may be a press laborer, a militant for the news of the revolution, but tomorrow may be an organizing militant of the mass work. One may need to take part in a front organization and to change city, and vice versa. The revolutionary can be arrested, imprisoned, or even move to another prison or cell, then gets out of jail. Likewise, political conditions may change and one has to continue under new conditions. Numerous similar situations are the thresholds in the life of a revolutionary militant. The "transition moments" also apply to parties that are collective entities. When the political conditions change, they must pass from the old situation to the new situation and they must do this without any delay. "The changing period" challenges the collective subject by giving it the task and responsibility to adapt to new conditions and to be the revolutionary response in all respects of the new conditions.
Collective revolutionary subjects, revolutionary leaders and revolutionary militants face the deepest and most profound problems of change and renewal in transition moments of world history. It is unpredictable whether this confrontation will start from the theoretical, programmatic, strategic, tactical or organizational areas and problems, as well as how it begins and progresses. One of many options becomes actual. However, since the economic, social and political aspects of the world, in which the collective subjects act, have changed, this new objectivity encompasses them and forces them to face it. Objectivity challenges the subject through the right to exist and existential questions under the new conditions, with the demand to reorganize. When collective subjects and individuals do not solve the problem of "reorganization" in these moments, they become resistant to history and thus fall out of history. The response to the revolutionary call of history and to the problems of theory, program, strategy, tactic and organization, that the new objectivity demands from the revolutionary subject, corresponds to a reorganization. The first and last quarter of the 20th century, as a process, have presented both situations, the falling apart of history and the restructuring within the reality of collective structures and their leaders, which fight with ambitions of socialism or fight on the basis of socialism.
What is the "revolutionary dialectic of transition moments", separately from their scope and depth, and their specific histories? What does it mean for the collective and how does it take place in the development of a revolutionary militant? What is (are) the break(s), what do/es the decline(s) mean? Can a break only be a break or what happens if a "break, remains as a break"? What is a leap, is it possible to "leap without a beak"?
The metaphor of a bridge connecting two fields, describes the transition moments well. The bridge emphasizes the value of the meaning of its own existence, in a way, by underlining the existence of two sides with their separate unique realities. The two sides, that the bridge connects one to another, are two separate geographies. The bridge metaphor describes the transition from one state to another in the revolutionary life of a militant. The bridge is fixed, but the transition is mobile and dynamic. The moments of transition are nothing but short or long, deep or shallow, simple or complex dialectical processes. There are various types of bridges that differ in length, height and variety. The moments of transition cannot be the same, of course, each of them has a unique history, but the moments of transition are "characteristically" phases with the same "quality".
Without exception, a transition from one situation to another means a change and a movement. All transitional states include contradictions, problems, uncertainties, possibilities and risks, "wonders", "what if"s, "or"s and numerous questions that seek for an answer. Essentially, transitions to new situations, are the moments of internal tension and crisis for the revolutionary individual subject. The driving force, the impulsive dynamic of the "transition movement" exists in the structure, which is loaded with the active contradictions that the state of transition has evoked and fermented. For this reason, each transition state is an "objectivity" that challenges its subject. It can be a revolutionary springboard, but it can also turn to a retreat and a return to the order, a pit of falling backward, a mutilating swirl. There is no other way; a revolutionary will face the state of transition, which will challenge him*her, being aware of it, consciously and voluntarily or spontaneously. There is no doubt that the militant already has a continuous revolutionary task and responsibility, as conditioned by his*her revolutionary existence and revolutionary history, such as managing his*her own revolutionary development. Each revolutionary more or less does this in a planned and systematic or spontaneous way. However, the moments of transition are out of routine, the nodes of revolutionary life are the thresholds of the revolutionary development. The militant has to lead his*her own development for revolutionary purposes and in a revolutionary manner, with consciousness and purposeful desire, will and leading of "break and leap", which are conditioned by the transitional state.
Each "given situation" tends to maintain and sustain itself with the comfort of the convenience provided by habits, with its status quo and addiction to the habits it produces; the subject's consciousness and emotions are conditioned and narcotized in this direction. However, every new situation demands, conditions and forces change and painfully challenges a "given revolutionary existence" with questions, contradictions, doubts, uncertainties and risks. What is challenged, is the quality of the revolutionary's existence and revolutionariness! This challenge, however, can only be responded in a revolutionary manner, with a higher level of production and structuring of revolutionariness, with a leap from a given situation forward.
Not only professional revolutionaries, every candidate of a professional revolutionary and every revolutionary militant has to know, that he*she will face countless transition periods during his*her revolutionary life. The situation will test revolutionary devotion, but he*she will give water to his*her steel by solving the nodes of transition moments in a revolutionary manner and gaining new qualities of revolutionariness.
If one end of the node of transition moment is the break with the given state, the other end is the leap to the new state. If the break with the given state occurs as changing field and duty, it becomes actual and physical and seems sharp as a knife. In that case, the status of the given situation is physically distorted, but the revolutionary can still bear the old habits, ways of thinking and mentality, which played a revolutionary role under the conditions of the given situation. The deepest jolts undoubtedly occur in the given structuring of emotion, and the emotions will be restructured while renewing in an atmosphere of the most staggering, shaky internal storms. The conclusions drawn from the critical revolutionary questioning of the status quo, the habits, the way of thinking, the emotional structure and the mentality, gives the break a revolutionary meaning and depth and becomes a revolutionary antidote for conformism. The breaks mean a little bit, "getting rid of the burdens of a given state", don't they?! Breaks must find their correspondence in the demolition of habits caused by the given situation, as well as in the revolutionary critical overcoming of the way of thinking and mentality, as well as in questioning the emotional structure and working style associated with the given situation.
The revolutionary militant, who is the subject of the transition moment in emotion, thinking, habit, mentality, fills his*her time with the cleaning of the burdens as the break with the ball and chain; but the break does not immediately and directly mean a leap. The break is about what is related with past, what belongs to past in emotion, thinking, mentality and mode of working. If we look closer to our metaphor here, break means to remove and destroy the ties, which are not only burdens from the past about feeling, thinking, the mode of working and binding, but also obstacles for the future.
The leap is about the future. It is the construction of the future side of the bridge. It is the constituent revolutionary action responding to the revolutionary requirements of the new situation. Breaks, as well as leaps, are very striking, when they occur with the participation of a woman or man laborer, who lives a taught life, of an oppressed, a youth, to the revolutionary action as a party member. But the flowing and ongoing revolutionary life requires, conditions and demands new breaks and leaps on the basis of revolutionariness. If we look from the perspective of the first case, this is the break rooting in depth. Leap does not only mean for a revolutionary to remain at the height at which he*she reaches, but that he*she categorically gains altitude, and rises to the more advanced new level of revolutionariness. The integrity of break and leap means the militant freeing him*herself from burdens, destroying his*her boundaries, gaining a revolutionary character by overcoming his*her limitations and narrownesses, and deepening his*her revolutionariness by passing to a more advanced level of revolutionariness. In the life of a revolutionary militant, the leap, as well as the break, must be an organized revolutionary action.
During the transition moment, which comes up due to the necessity or the obligation of change of the "given situation", the task, the fighting front, the city, the political and organizational conditions; the revolutionary militant has to organize the revolutionary leap action as well as the revolutionary break action. Only the mental and emotional concentration for the new situation, the new period, the new task in a revolutionary manner can organize the leap. But to turn the directions of emotions and thoughts towards the future is a good beginning to organize the leap without shifting any indirect way. The acceptance of the new situation should not satisfy on its own, transition to the new state, accordingly revolutionary positioning should also be wanted, desired and the revolutionary should even be passionately locked into the future. This means understanding and analyzing the new area and the situation, the problems and tasks that arise from them. Understanding the conditions, barriers, problems and challenges to carry out the revolutionary tasks disperses the fog-curtains, puts an end to the hesitation created by uncertainty and develops the self-confidence of the revolutionary militant as well as an openness of thought. Just as the backwardness, ambiguities, contradictions and blind spots, selfishness, individualism, the occurring of "small bribes of the system" in the feelings and thoughts of a revolutionary put a brake on the strength of his*her revolutionary action, just as they produce indecisiveness and even drown him*her; from the contrary point of view, an openness of thought, a comprehensive and deep understanding of revolutionary tasks and clarity awaken his*her revolutionary energy, sharpen his*her revolutionary determination and revolutionary will, and also whip up the desire to mentally and practically get into action and the passion for success.
At every threshold, if the revolutionary militant leans on the strict critical revolutionary analysis of the transitional period in which he*she enters, then he*she can properly make use of both the process and the revolutionary possibilities of breaking and leaping offered by the transition process, and then turn them into a leverage for his*her revolutionary development. Each turning point, each threshold is determined by an internal struggle taking place in the existential reality of the revolutionary. Loyalty to socialist and revolutionary goals, as well as commitment to revolutionary values, must manage this internal struggle. And, of course, the party's experiences should guide the revolutionary militant. One cannot play hide-and-seek with the reality of the internal struggle of the moment of transition. One cannot escape and fear from facing with oneself and looking into the eyes of one's revolutionary reality! By leaning on the basis of the revolutionariness he*she has internalized and grow what is revolutionary inside, he*she must deliberately open the distance with the non-revolutionary, with what belongs to the order, just like opening the gap with the enemy in a real battle; he*she must fight the emotions and thoughts that limit the revolutionary action, as if it is a fight with the enemy; he*she must turn the inner struggle into an opportunity to deepen in his*her freedom.
"The revolutionary violence of criticism" is the strongest weapon of a revolutionary in the inner struggle, which is resulted by revolutionary development. Courageously, masterfully and wisely, basing on the ground of experience of the party, he*she must walk against his*her weak sides, against the old, lingering, ball-and-chain inner walls of oneself setting barriers in front of his*her development, against the small and diminishing cesspool mounds of capitalism. At every threshold of his*her revolutionary development, the revolutionary must be inspired again and again by the revolutionary consciousness of the deliberate action of "burning the ships" and must lead the revolutionary process by burning the shipyards and ships of the given conditions.
The revolutionary militant should know well that in this struggle, the political conditions will have a word impacting and influencing in their unique way. The general political atmosphere diffuses in one side of the internal struggle, and puts its weight there, through very different means, but in some cases directly. Just like each apple carries its worms at its heart, the enemy of a revolutionary lays within him*herself. In particular, the counterrevolutionary, daunting pressure of the conditions of the fascist aggression that stepped up a fierce level, echoes in the weak sides of the revolutionary militant, nourishes the bonds with the order, and gnaws the revolutionary determination. The revolutionary breakthrough period of the struggle nourishes the revolutionary front of the internal struggle and gives courage and energy to the revolutionary.
The revolutionary militant must know well that the personal revolutionariness experience and even personal history before being a revolutionary will have a word affecting the reality of the internal struggle of each threshold, each transition. Because the internal struggle at each threshold has a historical background that finds its value in personal revolutionariness history. That background, whether conscious or spontaneously, will affect and pick a side of the inner struggle of each period in a complex way. While organizing the break and leap required by that specific moment, when a militant places this organizing process in a context of a continuous development line in his*her revolutionariness history, which follows a sequence of break and leap - accumulate and advance - break and leap - accumulate and advance, this understanding brings depth to the break, altitude to the leap and enlarges the diameter and horizon of the revolutionariness, all of which are not only conditioned by the revolutionary history and actual moment, but also demanded by the revolutionary mind. This is also the way to build his*her historical integrity. It smashes the given boundaries, leads a higher level of freeing oneself. It is the construction of higher level of self-confidence in every revolutionary leaping forward. A revolutionary is the one, who enlarges revolutionary claims at every threshold. When the founders of Marxism said that everyone makes his*her own history, they weren't just saying futilely. Practicing Marxist doctrine is to enable action; revolutionary unity of praxis mean to be based on the general critical revolutionary analysis of own revolutionary development line in every period, at every threshold of revolutionary development, and to bind that threshold to the whole. This gives the revolutionary militant the inner illumination and control over his*her own history, as well as the possibility and ability to manage his*her own development.
The party and the revolutionary militant must know very well that the party environment, in particular, the party leadership and the leading organs have a strong and effective word during the internal struggle of transition phases of revolutionary militants. This, of course, is in connection with "the party's own situation", because the role played by a leadership, which develops and leads the march forward of the party, is not the same role played by a leadership, which is faltering and inadequate, for example. However, what is spoken about is realizing the management of the transition of the cadres to the new situation as a structural element of the cadre policy of the party, under the conditions of changing front, field or duty of a cadre, as well as the changing political situation and party policies. An organizational leadership is functional as long as it is able to do so in terms of its main cadres constituting the backbone of the party, and thus can lead the cadre policy as a whole. This is not the only determinant, but the leadership must be able to direct and manage the internal struggle of the revolutionary militant. On the other hand, the revolutionary militant is an active collective individual and can and should lead his*her own internal struggle. The ideal is the meeting of collective subject and individual subject with the revolutionary mind and will. The party has to perceive the inner struggles of a revolutionary in transition periods within his*her own microcosm.
The most solid assurance of a revolutionary militant in all crossroad moments is the criterion of updating the close adherence to the revolutionary and socialist goals. It is not the sustainment of devotion to the revolutionary and socialist ideals, but rather the continuation of it by "updating" and "renewing". All given conditions will cause loss of meaning and fading by abrading the bond and commitment of militant with his*her ideals through the status quo they create. Updating is a renewal and deepening of bond and commitment.
At each crossroad, self-criticism is the closest combat companion and the most reliable comrade-in-arm of a revolutionary militant; what is felt this way is the revolutionary violence of self-criticism. Self-criticism is, first and foremost, the ideological action that leads to overcoming the level of revolutionariness achieved in the given situation. The revolutionary action of self-criticism begins with the "acceptance" of limitations, deficiencies, failures, narrownesses, errors and weaknesses. But it only starts with it! It proceeds in a revolutionary way, with a critical revolutionary analysis of the assumptions and determinations, in particular by inquiring the causes, the questions of how and why. Revolutionary violence of criticism is the ideological fire, questioning the limits of the current state of revolutionariness and shaking the right of existence and legitimacy of this current state with its subversive effect.
This revolutionary fire, which sets up the breaks on the ground of revolutionariness, is the bow of the revolutionary leap forward. As much as the future orientation becomes clearer in emotion and thought, as much as it sets up action, the revolutionary action of leap, with its new reconstructed level, is shaped as the revolutionary thinking, revolutionary mode and stance of the new conditions.
 

 

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The Dialectic of Breaks and Leaps at the Developmental Thresholds of A Revolutionary
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 Red Dawn / Issue 18 / Winter 2018-19

Everyone who looks at social life a bit analytically can easily become aware of the fact that there are countless "transition moments" in human life. From birth until the end of life, countless transitional moments are hidden throughout life, but they are also hidden in certain stages. Start with crawling and running, spelling and speaking; beginning the school, changing home, changing education or profession, changing to another city or country, loving, falling in love, marrying, divorcing, completion of primary or elementary school, changing school, beginning high school or university, changing the current social environment, becoming mother or father, joining to an any form of organization, plunging into political struggle, creating cultural, sportive or artistic artifacts, debiting, undertaking new responsibilities...
In human life, countless given situations disappear as they get obsolete and innumerable new situations arise. There are turning points and thresholds between given situations and new situations. Human is a social being and the "human as an individual" is nothing but the sum of social relationships. As in all other times, the human as an individual can not be segregated from society and can not be treated in isolation, even in the moments of transition. Thus, the moments of transition can also be comprehended through the interaction of the human as an individual with its whole social relations. But each threshold, each transition moment is conditioned by "internal struggle". And this internal struggle takes place in interaction with the social environment in which it realizes itself.
As in social life, there are also countless "transition moments" and turning points in the revolutionary life for the vigorous builders of the party and revolution, ranging to administrators and leaders. Tasks and responsibilities of a revolutionary change and a revolutionary goes from one field to another task. The working area may change, from the de-facto legitimate struggle front to the free underground; a mass agitator may turn into a commander of the militia, or vice versa, if the conditions allow. One may be a propagandist, but becomes an organizer, a soldier or a commander, and vice versa. One may be a soldier or commander in the urban guerrilla, but may have to move to the rural guerrilla. One may be a press laborer, a militant for the news of the revolution, but tomorrow may be an organizing militant of the mass work. One may need to take part in a front organization and to change city, and vice versa. The revolutionary can be arrested, imprisoned, or even move to another prison or cell, then gets out of jail. Likewise, political conditions may change and one has to continue under new conditions. Numerous similar situations are the thresholds in the life of a revolutionary militant. The "transition moments" also apply to parties that are collective entities. When the political conditions change, they must pass from the old situation to the new situation and they must do this without any delay. "The changing period" challenges the collective subject by giving it the task and responsibility to adapt to new conditions and to be the revolutionary response in all respects of the new conditions.
Collective revolutionary subjects, revolutionary leaders and revolutionary militants face the deepest and most profound problems of change and renewal in transition moments of world history. It is unpredictable whether this confrontation will start from the theoretical, programmatic, strategic, tactical or organizational areas and problems, as well as how it begins and progresses. One of many options becomes actual. However, since the economic, social and political aspects of the world, in which the collective subjects act, have changed, this new objectivity encompasses them and forces them to face it. Objectivity challenges the subject through the right to exist and existential questions under the new conditions, with the demand to reorganize. When collective subjects and individuals do not solve the problem of "reorganization" in these moments, they become resistant to history and thus fall out of history. The response to the revolutionary call of history and to the problems of theory, program, strategy, tactic and organization, that the new objectivity demands from the revolutionary subject, corresponds to a reorganization. The first and last quarter of the 20th century, as a process, have presented both situations, the falling apart of history and the restructuring within the reality of collective structures and their leaders, which fight with ambitions of socialism or fight on the basis of socialism.
What is the "revolutionary dialectic of transition moments", separately from their scope and depth, and their specific histories? What does it mean for the collective and how does it take place in the development of a revolutionary militant? What is (are) the break(s), what do/es the decline(s) mean? Can a break only be a break or what happens if a "break, remains as a break"? What is a leap, is it possible to "leap without a beak"?
The metaphor of a bridge connecting two fields, describes the transition moments well. The bridge emphasizes the value of the meaning of its own existence, in a way, by underlining the existence of two sides with their separate unique realities. The two sides, that the bridge connects one to another, are two separate geographies. The bridge metaphor describes the transition from one state to another in the revolutionary life of a militant. The bridge is fixed, but the transition is mobile and dynamic. The moments of transition are nothing but short or long, deep or shallow, simple or complex dialectical processes. There are various types of bridges that differ in length, height and variety. The moments of transition cannot be the same, of course, each of them has a unique history, but the moments of transition are "characteristically" phases with the same "quality".
Without exception, a transition from one situation to another means a change and a movement. All transitional states include contradictions, problems, uncertainties, possibilities and risks, "wonders", "what if"s, "or"s and numerous questions that seek for an answer. Essentially, transitions to new situations, are the moments of internal tension and crisis for the revolutionary individual subject. The driving force, the impulsive dynamic of the "transition movement" exists in the structure, which is loaded with the active contradictions that the state of transition has evoked and fermented. For this reason, each transition state is an "objectivity" that challenges its subject. It can be a revolutionary springboard, but it can also turn to a retreat and a return to the order, a pit of falling backward, a mutilating swirl. There is no other way; a revolutionary will face the state of transition, which will challenge him*her, being aware of it, consciously and voluntarily or spontaneously. There is no doubt that the militant already has a continuous revolutionary task and responsibility, as conditioned by his*her revolutionary existence and revolutionary history, such as managing his*her own revolutionary development. Each revolutionary more or less does this in a planned and systematic or spontaneous way. However, the moments of transition are out of routine, the nodes of revolutionary life are the thresholds of the revolutionary development. The militant has to lead his*her own development for revolutionary purposes and in a revolutionary manner, with consciousness and purposeful desire, will and leading of "break and leap", which are conditioned by the transitional state.
Each "given situation" tends to maintain and sustain itself with the comfort of the convenience provided by habits, with its status quo and addiction to the habits it produces; the subject's consciousness and emotions are conditioned and narcotized in this direction. However, every new situation demands, conditions and forces change and painfully challenges a "given revolutionary existence" with questions, contradictions, doubts, uncertainties and risks. What is challenged, is the quality of the revolutionary's existence and revolutionariness! This challenge, however, can only be responded in a revolutionary manner, with a higher level of production and structuring of revolutionariness, with a leap from a given situation forward.
Not only professional revolutionaries, every candidate of a professional revolutionary and every revolutionary militant has to know, that he*she will face countless transition periods during his*her revolutionary life. The situation will test revolutionary devotion, but he*she will give water to his*her steel by solving the nodes of transition moments in a revolutionary manner and gaining new qualities of revolutionariness.
If one end of the node of transition moment is the break with the given state, the other end is the leap to the new state. If the break with the given state occurs as changing field and duty, it becomes actual and physical and seems sharp as a knife. In that case, the status of the given situation is physically distorted, but the revolutionary can still bear the old habits, ways of thinking and mentality, which played a revolutionary role under the conditions of the given situation. The deepest jolts undoubtedly occur in the given structuring of emotion, and the emotions will be restructured while renewing in an atmosphere of the most staggering, shaky internal storms. The conclusions drawn from the critical revolutionary questioning of the status quo, the habits, the way of thinking, the emotional structure and the mentality, gives the break a revolutionary meaning and depth and becomes a revolutionary antidote for conformism. The breaks mean a little bit, "getting rid of the burdens of a given state", don't they?! Breaks must find their correspondence in the demolition of habits caused by the given situation, as well as in the revolutionary critical overcoming of the way of thinking and mentality, as well as in questioning the emotional structure and working style associated with the given situation.
The revolutionary militant, who is the subject of the transition moment in emotion, thinking, habit, mentality, fills his*her time with the cleaning of the burdens as the break with the ball and chain; but the break does not immediately and directly mean a leap. The break is about what is related with past, what belongs to past in emotion, thinking, mentality and mode of working. If we look closer to our metaphor here, break means to remove and destroy the ties, which are not only burdens from the past about feeling, thinking, the mode of working and binding, but also obstacles for the future.
The leap is about the future. It is the construction of the future side of the bridge. It is the constituent revolutionary action responding to the revolutionary requirements of the new situation. Breaks, as well as leaps, are very striking, when they occur with the participation of a woman or man laborer, who lives a taught life, of an oppressed, a youth, to the revolutionary action as a party member. But the flowing and ongoing revolutionary life requires, conditions and demands new breaks and leaps on the basis of revolutionariness. If we look from the perspective of the first case, this is the break rooting in depth. Leap does not only mean for a revolutionary to remain at the height at which he*she reaches, but that he*she categorically gains altitude, and rises to the more advanced new level of revolutionariness. The integrity of break and leap means the militant freeing him*herself from burdens, destroying his*her boundaries, gaining a revolutionary character by overcoming his*her limitations and narrownesses, and deepening his*her revolutionariness by passing to a more advanced level of revolutionariness. In the life of a revolutionary militant, the leap, as well as the break, must be an organized revolutionary action.
During the transition moment, which comes up due to the necessity or the obligation of change of the "given situation", the task, the fighting front, the city, the political and organizational conditions; the revolutionary militant has to organize the revolutionary leap action as well as the revolutionary break action. Only the mental and emotional concentration for the new situation, the new period, the new task in a revolutionary manner can organize the leap. But to turn the directions of emotions and thoughts towards the future is a good beginning to organize the leap without shifting any indirect way. The acceptance of the new situation should not satisfy on its own, transition to the new state, accordingly revolutionary positioning should also be wanted, desired and the revolutionary should even be passionately locked into the future. This means understanding and analyzing the new area and the situation, the problems and tasks that arise from them. Understanding the conditions, barriers, problems and challenges to carry out the revolutionary tasks disperses the fog-curtains, puts an end to the hesitation created by uncertainty and develops the self-confidence of the revolutionary militant as well as an openness of thought. Just as the backwardness, ambiguities, contradictions and blind spots, selfishness, individualism, the occurring of "small bribes of the system" in the feelings and thoughts of a revolutionary put a brake on the strength of his*her revolutionary action, just as they produce indecisiveness and even drown him*her; from the contrary point of view, an openness of thought, a comprehensive and deep understanding of revolutionary tasks and clarity awaken his*her revolutionary energy, sharpen his*her revolutionary determination and revolutionary will, and also whip up the desire to mentally and practically get into action and the passion for success.
At every threshold, if the revolutionary militant leans on the strict critical revolutionary analysis of the transitional period in which he*she enters, then he*she can properly make use of both the process and the revolutionary possibilities of breaking and leaping offered by the transition process, and then turn them into a leverage for his*her revolutionary development. Each turning point, each threshold is determined by an internal struggle taking place in the existential reality of the revolutionary. Loyalty to socialist and revolutionary goals, as well as commitment to revolutionary values, must manage this internal struggle. And, of course, the party's experiences should guide the revolutionary militant. One cannot play hide-and-seek with the reality of the internal struggle of the moment of transition. One cannot escape and fear from facing with oneself and looking into the eyes of one's revolutionary reality! By leaning on the basis of the revolutionariness he*she has internalized and grow what is revolutionary inside, he*she must deliberately open the distance with the non-revolutionary, with what belongs to the order, just like opening the gap with the enemy in a real battle; he*she must fight the emotions and thoughts that limit the revolutionary action, as if it is a fight with the enemy; he*she must turn the inner struggle into an opportunity to deepen in his*her freedom.
"The revolutionary violence of criticism" is the strongest weapon of a revolutionary in the inner struggle, which is resulted by revolutionary development. Courageously, masterfully and wisely, basing on the ground of experience of the party, he*she must walk against his*her weak sides, against the old, lingering, ball-and-chain inner walls of oneself setting barriers in front of his*her development, against the small and diminishing cesspool mounds of capitalism. At every threshold of his*her revolutionary development, the revolutionary must be inspired again and again by the revolutionary consciousness of the deliberate action of "burning the ships" and must lead the revolutionary process by burning the shipyards and ships of the given conditions.
The revolutionary militant should know well that in this struggle, the political conditions will have a word impacting and influencing in their unique way. The general political atmosphere diffuses in one side of the internal struggle, and puts its weight there, through very different means, but in some cases directly. Just like each apple carries its worms at its heart, the enemy of a revolutionary lays within him*herself. In particular, the counterrevolutionary, daunting pressure of the conditions of the fascist aggression that stepped up a fierce level, echoes in the weak sides of the revolutionary militant, nourishes the bonds with the order, and gnaws the revolutionary determination. The revolutionary breakthrough period of the struggle nourishes the revolutionary front of the internal struggle and gives courage and energy to the revolutionary.
The revolutionary militant must know well that the personal revolutionariness experience and even personal history before being a revolutionary will have a word affecting the reality of the internal struggle of each threshold, each transition. Because the internal struggle at each threshold has a historical background that finds its value in personal revolutionariness history. That background, whether conscious or spontaneously, will affect and pick a side of the inner struggle of each period in a complex way. While organizing the break and leap required by that specific moment, when a militant places this organizing process in a context of a continuous development line in his*her revolutionariness history, which follows a sequence of break and leap - accumulate and advance - break and leap - accumulate and advance, this understanding brings depth to the break, altitude to the leap and enlarges the diameter and horizon of the revolutionariness, all of which are not only conditioned by the revolutionary history and actual moment, but also demanded by the revolutionary mind. This is also the way to build his*her historical integrity. It smashes the given boundaries, leads a higher level of freeing oneself. It is the construction of higher level of self-confidence in every revolutionary leaping forward. A revolutionary is the one, who enlarges revolutionary claims at every threshold. When the founders of Marxism said that everyone makes his*her own history, they weren't just saying futilely. Practicing Marxist doctrine is to enable action; revolutionary unity of praxis mean to be based on the general critical revolutionary analysis of own revolutionary development line in every period, at every threshold of revolutionary development, and to bind that threshold to the whole. This gives the revolutionary militant the inner illumination and control over his*her own history, as well as the possibility and ability to manage his*her own development.
The party and the revolutionary militant must know very well that the party environment, in particular, the party leadership and the leading organs have a strong and effective word during the internal struggle of transition phases of revolutionary militants. This, of course, is in connection with "the party's own situation", because the role played by a leadership, which develops and leads the march forward of the party, is not the same role played by a leadership, which is faltering and inadequate, for example. However, what is spoken about is realizing the management of the transition of the cadres to the new situation as a structural element of the cadre policy of the party, under the conditions of changing front, field or duty of a cadre, as well as the changing political situation and party policies. An organizational leadership is functional as long as it is able to do so in terms of its main cadres constituting the backbone of the party, and thus can lead the cadre policy as a whole. This is not the only determinant, but the leadership must be able to direct and manage the internal struggle of the revolutionary militant. On the other hand, the revolutionary militant is an active collective individual and can and should lead his*her own internal struggle. The ideal is the meeting of collective subject and individual subject with the revolutionary mind and will. The party has to perceive the inner struggles of a revolutionary in transition periods within his*her own microcosm.
The most solid assurance of a revolutionary militant in all crossroad moments is the criterion of updating the close adherence to the revolutionary and socialist goals. It is not the sustainment of devotion to the revolutionary and socialist ideals, but rather the continuation of it by "updating" and "renewing". All given conditions will cause loss of meaning and fading by abrading the bond and commitment of militant with his*her ideals through the status quo they create. Updating is a renewal and deepening of bond and commitment.
At each crossroad, self-criticism is the closest combat companion and the most reliable comrade-in-arm of a revolutionary militant; what is felt this way is the revolutionary violence of self-criticism. Self-criticism is, first and foremost, the ideological action that leads to overcoming the level of revolutionariness achieved in the given situation. The revolutionary action of self-criticism begins with the "acceptance" of limitations, deficiencies, failures, narrownesses, errors and weaknesses. But it only starts with it! It proceeds in a revolutionary way, with a critical revolutionary analysis of the assumptions and determinations, in particular by inquiring the causes, the questions of how and why. Revolutionary violence of criticism is the ideological fire, questioning the limits of the current state of revolutionariness and shaking the right of existence and legitimacy of this current state with its subversive effect.
This revolutionary fire, which sets up the breaks on the ground of revolutionariness, is the bow of the revolutionary leap forward. As much as the future orientation becomes clearer in emotion and thought, as much as it sets up action, the revolutionary action of leap, with its new reconstructed level, is shaped as the revolutionary thinking, revolutionary mode and stance of the new conditions.