Ahmet Şoreş on the 25th Anniversary of MLKP
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International Bulletin / Issue 202 / September 202

p { margin-bottom: 0.25cm; line-height: 120%; }

MLKP Rojava representative Ahmet Şoreş spoke in a program run by the Kurdish TV Channel Medya Haber TV on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the MLKP. Below we publish his speeches in excerpts:

 

The foundation of MLKP
The unity of the MLKP was a political requirement recognized by the forerunners of the MLKP, communists, who dedicated the MLKP to the laboring, oppressed peoples of Turkey and Kurdistan. At that time, great upheavals took place in the world. It was the time when it was propagated that socialism and communism are no solution, the only system is capitalism. At that time the MLKP said that what was dissolved and collapsed was not socialism, but the retrograde, false and skew sides of socialism. Instead, we stressed the need to learn and advance lessons from our own defeats, our weaknesses and mistakes, and realized that the unity revolution was a need to carry the hope of socialism and communism to the working class and oppressed, to the oppressed peoples. After 5 years of discussion, the MLKP announced its foundation on September 10, 1994.
Unified movement
The history of Turkey‘s revolutionary movement is full of heroism and defeat. It is a history in which groups, tribalism and conservatism merged. Competition is a phenomenon of capitalism. Revolutionaries, oppressed, communists have no need for competition, but for unity and united movement. The MLKP is an answer to this need. The MLKP has emphasized in the labouring left movement terms such as unity, unification, unified leadership, solidarity, comradeliness, trench comradeship. In a very conscious way, it has defined the concepts of Unity Revolution and Mindset Revolution as political, organizational and ideological concepts. Its own founding, its own existence, its own work, its relationship with the mass organizations and other revolutionary organizations, have been built on this.
From the Gazi uprising to the Gezi resistance
One year after the foundation of our party, the Gazi uprising took place. As it is known, this was a counter-guerrilla attack. Our party has transformed this attack into resistance and rebellion. After the Gazi uprising, the state has cracked down on our party. Our comrade Hasan Ocak has been disappeared by the state. We have started a fight against these attacks of enforced disappearance and murder. The fight against enforced disappearances had begun much earlier, but for the first time after the Gazi uprising the struggle to find comrade Hasan Ocak has become a big wave. This was achieved with a campaign that included the masses. We found the body of Hasan Ocak, we also took Rıdvan Karakoç out of the clutches of the state. Our party has also been an active subject of the June Uprising (Gezi). With our barricades, as well as with our mass agitation and propaganda, as well as with other forms of social organization, with militia actions against the police attacks and terror, we became a very active subject of the uprising. We did not want to limit the uprising to Taksim but spread it into many parts of the city and parts of Istanbul, into many parts of Turkey and Kurdistan. We acted with this perspective. In this sense, various actions and solidarity phases have been organized. Wherever the popular resistance was, there was the MLKP.
The United Revolution Movement of Peoples
Our party foresaw a harmonious relationship between the social dynamics in the area defined as the United Democratic Front and the struggle for the freedom of Kurdistan. This front was an advance in the organization of a revolution, a united democratic mass movement. But it has been seen that this is not enough. The Gezi process was a concrete example of this. Mass violence and mass movement can therefore only be met with a revolution in conjunction with the means of violence. This is only possible with a party, an idea and an organization or a platform. The United Revolution Movement of Peoples (HBDH) was the product of this search. It was an advantage that our Party came to the Medya Defense Zone in South Kurdistan, and was in the Rojava Revolution at the same time as the Kurdistan Revolution expanded and spread revolutionary opportunities. In the context of the possibilities of the Gezi uprising, the HBDH emerged in response to its revolutionary tasks, inspired by the revolutionary dynamics. It was an important step forward. As we can see today, the HBDH has begun to play an active role in the struggle against the palace dictatorship. In this context, it is important that every revolutionary organization, every revolutionary youth, every revolutionary woman enlarges the HBDH, participates in it, and also contributes to the means and forms of struggle.
The Kurdistan revolution and the socialist-patriotic line
The MLKP is defined as a party of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. Its first Kurdistan conference dealt with the questions of Kurdistanization. There it saw that the Kurdish revolution needed a socialist-patriotic line, that is, a labouring solution. At a time when the demand for national liberation alone is not enough and imperialism has moved into the stage of globalization, in which the individual revolutions in countries unite and become regional revolutions, the regional revolutions unite into a world revolution. In this situation of nesting, of strategical relating, the Kurdistan revolution needs, in addition to the national liberation struggle, a socialist perspective and a labor character.
In terms of its strategy and unified revolution, the unified revolution of Kurdistan and Turkey, the MLKP has turned its face to the Medya Defense Areas according to the need for a strategic alliance. It was also important to learn and exchange the experiences and opportunities of the Kurdish liberation movement, the PKK . We would like to salute and thank the contributions of the comrades. They did not withhold anything, they acted on the basis of sharing and helping.
The Rojava Revolution
The MLKP is a party dedicated to the collapse of this capitalist imperialist system, this barbaric system. So she is a party of the revolution. The MLKP has achieved this by making a revolution in itself. Therefore, it is a party that sees, understands, identifies and transforms into a consciousness where the revolution originates and where there is a dynamic of evolving. We can conclude this from their dedication and participation in the Rojava revolution. This feature prompted our party to quickly recognize the revolution here. Of course, our participation was modest and especially based on military dimensions.
In the liberation of Rojava-Kurdistan, especially after Serêkaniyê, we faced a force called ISIS. It was an armed force with a political-Islamic fascist mentality. On the other hand, it became a fundamental political task to defend the revolution and bring freedom to other peoples who wanted freedom. Our party did not remain in an ambivalent situation here. The fight against ISIS was an important political process for us to defend the Rojava revolution and extend it to the Arab territories. We took an active part in this process without any political hesitation. An important part of our martyrs fell during this period.
The developmental character of the Rojava revolution was successful in the war against the political-Islamic fascist IS and in the war against colonialism. However, no level of organization and consciousness of Rojava and the oppressed sections of the Arab peoples was reached against large landowners or capitalist enterprises and their organizational structures, sociological structures, their tribal and religious structures. While they fought against other elements of colonialism, they achieved a revolutionary culture and a revolutionary consciousness, but that‘s not enough. A major part of the problems that have arisen after the revolution, for example, are the problems from a way of struggle remaining from the past. There was a need for a new class attitude, a new class perspective and policy.
Discussions about the ‚safe zone‘
The term „safe zone" is not a term that we prefer. The territory of Rojava and northern Syria is one of the most secure areas in the world anyway. This project gave the impression that the Turkish state had stopped its colonization of Rojava. The apparent mediator, or rather the architect of it, is the USA and the coalition forces. The US is trying to legitimize its own existence. They say, „Look, Turkey will attack and occupy, we cannot stop them, but if you make some explanations, some symbolic steps back, your army does not form a professional army, your ideas do not shape as socialist communist ideas, but in a more acceptable form that we agree with, then we will see". The US wants to push back the achievements of the revolution. They do that very consciously and with the help of Turkey. If they intervene directly, there will be a war and they do not want that, because this is one of the places in the world that will be redivided.
The claims of Turkish Interior Minister Soylu about meetings between the MLKP and the US
Our party and the US are in a position of mutual hostility. What kind of contact can exist between the US and our party? Only on war areas, in battlefields we can face each other. We are not in a position to sit down with them and make tactical arrangements. The Rojava revolution has taken some steps in this regard. This is understandable to a degree. Apart from that, our party had no direct meetings or contacts on this topic.
What does Suleyman Soylu want with this statement? Our party MLKP is a Kurdistan party. It is a party that represents its communist, socialist-patriotic line. For this reason, from the point of view of the US and Turkey, our party is a serious danger with its work on social construction and the socialist perspective of development issues for the revolution in Rojava and northern Syria. That‘s one thing. And then there is the heritage of the leaders of the 70s, who have been the pillars of MLKP‘s own foundation. As you know, the revolutionary leaders of the 1970s fought big struggles against the 6th NATO fleet. They have left their mark on history. The oppressed peoples know that we will not do anything to oppose the continuation of this heritage. Let‘s just say it here again.
In 2004, a NATO meeting was held in Istanbul. The MLKP developed a practice both in the organization of political mass reaction and in military strikes against the NATO. In fact, there was a bomb attack during the landing of Bush‘s plane, it had no physical success for several reasons, but its political influence was successful. At that time, the MLKP was perceived by both NATO and Turkey as a major threat. Maybe the US is upset about our presence and wanted to put it through Turkey for discussion. That‘s not their business. We are not here by getting a license from them. Our presence is an expression of our struggle against them.
Fight against fascism
The oppressed, workers and toiling people, the Kurdish patriots and all their friends must now pursue a legitimate struggle line. It has become clear that actions must not limit itself in the bourgeois legality, not within the framework permitted by the bourgeoisie, but above all, at a level in which the people‘s longing for freedom is satisfied. It is clear that the palace fascism will escalate. Now our people are resisting and showing attitude against the trustees. That‘s very important, but not enough. This should be done on a stronger mass basis that prevents the trustees from working. This also applies to the women‘s liberation struggle. The communist youth, too, has to organize strong resistance, movements, occupations on the street against the mentality that organizes this trustee, against the AKP - MHP palace fascism and against their entire administration. That is very legitimate.
It is important that the avant-garde takes a step forward in this regard. It is not just a matter of standing up and taking a stance of resistance, but of mobilizing and involving the masses. Of course also that‘s not enough. One aspect of mass violence is the armed struggle. It is necessary to organize a mobilization to increase the armed struggle itself. In Colombia, for example, there is a new attempt. There was a so-called peace process. But they themselves expressed the need for a renewed armed struggle. Our process of forced administration in the municipalities also illustrates this. So we cannot protect what we have won through elections. What will we protect then? We have to achieve this with mass resistance, mass struggle and many means and forms.

 

 

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Ahmet Şoreş on the 25th Anniversary of MLKP
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International Bulletin / Issue 202 / September 202

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MLKP Rojava representative Ahmet Şoreş spoke in a program run by the Kurdish TV Channel Medya Haber TV on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the MLKP. Below we publish his speeches in excerpts:

 

The foundation of MLKP
The unity of the MLKP was a political requirement recognized by the forerunners of the MLKP, communists, who dedicated the MLKP to the laboring, oppressed peoples of Turkey and Kurdistan. At that time, great upheavals took place in the world. It was the time when it was propagated that socialism and communism are no solution, the only system is capitalism. At that time the MLKP said that what was dissolved and collapsed was not socialism, but the retrograde, false and skew sides of socialism. Instead, we stressed the need to learn and advance lessons from our own defeats, our weaknesses and mistakes, and realized that the unity revolution was a need to carry the hope of socialism and communism to the working class and oppressed, to the oppressed peoples. After 5 years of discussion, the MLKP announced its foundation on September 10, 1994.
Unified movement
The history of Turkey‘s revolutionary movement is full of heroism and defeat. It is a history in which groups, tribalism and conservatism merged. Competition is a phenomenon of capitalism. Revolutionaries, oppressed, communists have no need for competition, but for unity and united movement. The MLKP is an answer to this need. The MLKP has emphasized in the labouring left movement terms such as unity, unification, unified leadership, solidarity, comradeliness, trench comradeship. In a very conscious way, it has defined the concepts of Unity Revolution and Mindset Revolution as political, organizational and ideological concepts. Its own founding, its own existence, its own work, its relationship with the mass organizations and other revolutionary organizations, have been built on this.
From the Gazi uprising to the Gezi resistance
One year after the foundation of our party, the Gazi uprising took place. As it is known, this was a counter-guerrilla attack. Our party has transformed this attack into resistance and rebellion. After the Gazi uprising, the state has cracked down on our party. Our comrade Hasan Ocak has been disappeared by the state. We have started a fight against these attacks of enforced disappearance and murder. The fight against enforced disappearances had begun much earlier, but for the first time after the Gazi uprising the struggle to find comrade Hasan Ocak has become a big wave. This was achieved with a campaign that included the masses. We found the body of Hasan Ocak, we also took Rıdvan Karakoç out of the clutches of the state. Our party has also been an active subject of the June Uprising (Gezi). With our barricades, as well as with our mass agitation and propaganda, as well as with other forms of social organization, with militia actions against the police attacks and terror, we became a very active subject of the uprising. We did not want to limit the uprising to Taksim but spread it into many parts of the city and parts of Istanbul, into many parts of Turkey and Kurdistan. We acted with this perspective. In this sense, various actions and solidarity phases have been organized. Wherever the popular resistance was, there was the MLKP.
The United Revolution Movement of Peoples
Our party foresaw a harmonious relationship between the social dynamics in the area defined as the United Democratic Front and the struggle for the freedom of Kurdistan. This front was an advance in the organization of a revolution, a united democratic mass movement. But it has been seen that this is not enough. The Gezi process was a concrete example of this. Mass violence and mass movement can therefore only be met with a revolution in conjunction with the means of violence. This is only possible with a party, an idea and an organization or a platform. The United Revolution Movement of Peoples (HBDH) was the product of this search. It was an advantage that our Party came to the Medya Defense Zone in South Kurdistan, and was in the Rojava Revolution at the same time as the Kurdistan Revolution expanded and spread revolutionary opportunities. In the context of the possibilities of the Gezi uprising, the HBDH emerged in response to its revolutionary tasks, inspired by the revolutionary dynamics. It was an important step forward. As we can see today, the HBDH has begun to play an active role in the struggle against the palace dictatorship. In this context, it is important that every revolutionary organization, every revolutionary youth, every revolutionary woman enlarges the HBDH, participates in it, and also contributes to the means and forms of struggle.
The Kurdistan revolution and the socialist-patriotic line
The MLKP is defined as a party of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. Its first Kurdistan conference dealt with the questions of Kurdistanization. There it saw that the Kurdish revolution needed a socialist-patriotic line, that is, a labouring solution. At a time when the demand for national liberation alone is not enough and imperialism has moved into the stage of globalization, in which the individual revolutions in countries unite and become regional revolutions, the regional revolutions unite into a world revolution. In this situation of nesting, of strategical relating, the Kurdistan revolution needs, in addition to the national liberation struggle, a socialist perspective and a labor character.
In terms of its strategy and unified revolution, the unified revolution of Kurdistan and Turkey, the MLKP has turned its face to the Medya Defense Areas according to the need for a strategic alliance. It was also important to learn and exchange the experiences and opportunities of the Kurdish liberation movement, the PKK . We would like to salute and thank the contributions of the comrades. They did not withhold anything, they acted on the basis of sharing and helping.
The Rojava Revolution
The MLKP is a party dedicated to the collapse of this capitalist imperialist system, this barbaric system. So she is a party of the revolution. The MLKP has achieved this by making a revolution in itself. Therefore, it is a party that sees, understands, identifies and transforms into a consciousness where the revolution originates and where there is a dynamic of evolving. We can conclude this from their dedication and participation in the Rojava revolution. This feature prompted our party to quickly recognize the revolution here. Of course, our participation was modest and especially based on military dimensions.
In the liberation of Rojava-Kurdistan, especially after Serêkaniyê, we faced a force called ISIS. It was an armed force with a political-Islamic fascist mentality. On the other hand, it became a fundamental political task to defend the revolution and bring freedom to other peoples who wanted freedom. Our party did not remain in an ambivalent situation here. The fight against ISIS was an important political process for us to defend the Rojava revolution and extend it to the Arab territories. We took an active part in this process without any political hesitation. An important part of our martyrs fell during this period.
The developmental character of the Rojava revolution was successful in the war against the political-Islamic fascist IS and in the war against colonialism. However, no level of organization and consciousness of Rojava and the oppressed sections of the Arab peoples was reached against large landowners or capitalist enterprises and their organizational structures, sociological structures, their tribal and religious structures. While they fought against other elements of colonialism, they achieved a revolutionary culture and a revolutionary consciousness, but that‘s not enough. A major part of the problems that have arisen after the revolution, for example, are the problems from a way of struggle remaining from the past. There was a need for a new class attitude, a new class perspective and policy.
Discussions about the ‚safe zone‘
The term „safe zone" is not a term that we prefer. The territory of Rojava and northern Syria is one of the most secure areas in the world anyway. This project gave the impression that the Turkish state had stopped its colonization of Rojava. The apparent mediator, or rather the architect of it, is the USA and the coalition forces. The US is trying to legitimize its own existence. They say, „Look, Turkey will attack and occupy, we cannot stop them, but if you make some explanations, some symbolic steps back, your army does not form a professional army, your ideas do not shape as socialist communist ideas, but in a more acceptable form that we agree with, then we will see". The US wants to push back the achievements of the revolution. They do that very consciously and with the help of Turkey. If they intervene directly, there will be a war and they do not want that, because this is one of the places in the world that will be redivided.
The claims of Turkish Interior Minister Soylu about meetings between the MLKP and the US
Our party and the US are in a position of mutual hostility. What kind of contact can exist between the US and our party? Only on war areas, in battlefields we can face each other. We are not in a position to sit down with them and make tactical arrangements. The Rojava revolution has taken some steps in this regard. This is understandable to a degree. Apart from that, our party had no direct meetings or contacts on this topic.
What does Suleyman Soylu want with this statement? Our party MLKP is a Kurdistan party. It is a party that represents its communist, socialist-patriotic line. For this reason, from the point of view of the US and Turkey, our party is a serious danger with its work on social construction and the socialist perspective of development issues for the revolution in Rojava and northern Syria. That‘s one thing. And then there is the heritage of the leaders of the 70s, who have been the pillars of MLKP‘s own foundation. As you know, the revolutionary leaders of the 1970s fought big struggles against the 6th NATO fleet. They have left their mark on history. The oppressed peoples know that we will not do anything to oppose the continuation of this heritage. Let‘s just say it here again.
In 2004, a NATO meeting was held in Istanbul. The MLKP developed a practice both in the organization of political mass reaction and in military strikes against the NATO. In fact, there was a bomb attack during the landing of Bush‘s plane, it had no physical success for several reasons, but its political influence was successful. At that time, the MLKP was perceived by both NATO and Turkey as a major threat. Maybe the US is upset about our presence and wanted to put it through Turkey for discussion. That‘s not their business. We are not here by getting a license from them. Our presence is an expression of our struggle against them.
Fight against fascism
The oppressed, workers and toiling people, the Kurdish patriots and all their friends must now pursue a legitimate struggle line. It has become clear that actions must not limit itself in the bourgeois legality, not within the framework permitted by the bourgeoisie, but above all, at a level in which the people‘s longing for freedom is satisfied. It is clear that the palace fascism will escalate. Now our people are resisting and showing attitude against the trustees. That‘s very important, but not enough. This should be done on a stronger mass basis that prevents the trustees from working. This also applies to the women‘s liberation struggle. The communist youth, too, has to organize strong resistance, movements, occupations on the street against the mentality that organizes this trustee, against the AKP - MHP palace fascism and against their entire administration. That is very legitimate.
It is important that the avant-garde takes a step forward in this regard. It is not just a matter of standing up and taking a stance of resistance, but of mobilizing and involving the masses. Of course also that‘s not enough. One aspect of mass violence is the armed struggle. It is necessary to organize a mobilization to increase the armed struggle itself. In Colombia, for example, there is a new attempt. There was a so-called peace process. But they themselves expressed the need for a renewed armed struggle. Our process of forced administration in the municipalities also illustrates this. So we cannot protect what we have won through elections. What will we protect then? We have to achieve this with mass resistance, mass struggle and many means and forms.