Our party understood the attack fully with its political aims and character, and therefore has been responding in the same way. It is continuing to develop the fight in commitment to make fascist dictatorship contrite for the attack and for its earliest joy of victory.

This, however, is not going to be the first attack of the colonialist fascist regime against our party where it is blown in their own hands. We have accumulated numerous experiences on this issue in our history of 12 years.

We have taken the previous attacks of the fascist regime on our party and the revolutionary forces not as an issue of revenge between us and the regime, but as the attacks on the hope and struggle of the working class and labouring masses, and have responded in this sense. This attack has also being responded in the same way. In the period following the foundation of our party, they kidnapped and killed our comrade Hasan Ocak in order to intimidate our party after the Gazi Uprising in 1995 which was replied with the line of becoming a leading force and led by our party. The result was a real political defeat for them. Our party responded the attack with turning into a political campaign the anger accumulated against the hundreds of disappearances and extra-judicial killings in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. Hasan’s death body was founded, an organisation fighting against disappearances and torture was set up, the state was caught red-handed and denounced. Sexual abuse and rape in detention was also turned into a tool of denouncing the fascist regime. Numerous complots, including detentions and imprisonments, which aimed to announce the revolutionaries and communists as terrorists were brought to the open for many times. The attacks of the fascist dictatorship have been made the lever of enlightening and drawing the working class and labouring masses into the fight and of increasing the struggle not only between the state and the revolutionaries, but of those between the state and the working and labouring masses led by revolutionaries.           

We are responding and will continue to respond in the same line against the recent attack, with the experiences of the 12 years of our struggle and the line that we have entered after our 3^rd Congress.

The things happening; are they in the characteristics of an ideological attack against the idea of revolutionary struggle outside the regime borders and on the basis of armed violence? Then, we will use the attacks in order to professionalize our march in this line, and, we will use the revolutionary violence in order to repulse them.

Is the attack come into the agenda as a part of surrounding the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement? Then, we will turn the attack into a tool of increasing the unity and solidarity among the revolutionary, progressive forces and the forces of Kurdish national movement and the united resistance against the Anti-terror Law (TMY) that they have introduced for that purpose, and, we will turn this resistance into a tool of repulsing the attacks.

Is the fascist regime trying to smash our mass line and to break our will in mobilising the working class and the oppressed in the axe of their most basic problems? Then, furthermore than not withdrawing from our mass line, we will grow the mass struggle against the TMY and the fascist attacks, and, we will repulse the attacks by deepening our roots within the masses.

In concrete, the struggle that we will conduct in the face of these attacks will be organized on the grounds of going to and mobilising the masses, it aims to make the TMY ineffective and to throw it into dustbin by increasing the united struggle of progressive, revolutionary and patriotic forces; to defend actively the revolutionary socialist posts that are wanted to be liquidated and that remain in the centre of physical-ideological attacks; to repulse the TMY-backed state terror that aims the liquidation of revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement; to block the possible new attacks and to defeat the attacks also physically by concentrating on the concrete goal of freedom of the prisoners. 

The ideological aims of the fascist regime’s attack were put in vain, even in the first days, by not going even one step backward, by continuing to advance in the line of 12 years and by giving the first examples of a united struggle.

The first responses by the organisations that were attacked are important and give clues for the coming battles. The raid, detention and imprisonments against the Atilim newspaper was replied with mounting solidarity of intellectuals, writers, revolutionary and progressive magazines, newspapers, and there was created a post of united struggle against the TMY-backed fascist aggression on the oppositional press around the paper.

ESP (Socialist Platform of the Oppressed) responded the TMY attacks with a political campaign called “We want freedom!”. The attacks were carried out in order to isolate the ESP from the labouring masses that it represents and defends the demands of, to break its legitimacy in the eyes of the working class and labourers, revolutionary and democratic public opinion, achieved through struggles that it has been conducting for 3 years on all social problems such as the occupation of Iraq, the Lebanon decree, demolishing of shanty houses by the state, slavery laws. In the face of the attack, ESP has aimed to maintain its posts and widen its sphere on the line of “towards the masses” by defending and canalizing the “freedom” demand of the oppressed and exploited masses against the attacks. ESP gained its legitimacy not from the laws of the colonialist fascist dictatorship, but from its de facto legitimated line struggling line, and continues to defend it on the same way.

“We want freedom!” campaign is continuing speedily; Atilim newspaper is meeting with masses on the streets, in houses, neighbourhoods and factories under the slogan of “Everywhere, more Atilim!”; “We want freedom” slogan is spreading with posters, slogans and leaflets from hand to hand and from tongue to tongue; street actions supported by numerous progressive-revolutionary organizations are being organised everyday in many cities; intellectuals, writers, trade unions and the public opinion is being mobilised into struggle day by day through numerous ways of struggle; a reflex and united struggle, which was not organised when TMY was in the agenda of the parliament, is now rising in the face of the attack.

The dirty “aim” of the fascist dictatorship has begun to be put in vain and their complots to fail.