About the Memorandum of April 27 and the Following Developments
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The fascist dictatorship's new concept of denial and annihilation that appeared with the "Anti-terror law" (TMY) launched in June 2006 has two aims: The first aim is to annihilate the Kurdish national movement. The second aim is to suppress and make the movement for freedom, democracy and socialism that has developed in the West[1] ineffective.

01 January 2008 / Red Dawn / Issue 12

The relations between the institutions in the state's high ranks have lately come to a dead-end. The polarisation between the president and the chief of the general staff on the one hand as well as the prime ministry and the head of parliament on the other hand has deepened. This "dogfight", which is carried out in the state's high ranks, actually displays the conflict between the opposing sides of the bourgeoisie. Using the presidential elections this conflict has been continued between the parties in form of a verbal duel which became more and more violent. The bourgeoisie and the whole regime forces concentrated themselves on the presidential elections. It is clear that this election should redefine the balance of power. This is one side of the question.

The other side of the question is about the fascist dictatorship that did not get the results by its new game aiming at suppressing and annihilating the revolutionary and patriotic movement in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan.

The fascist dictatorship's new concept of annihilation and extinction that appeared with the "Anti-terror law" (TMY) launched in June 2006 has two aims: The first aim is to annihilate the Kurdish national movement. The second aim is to suppress and make the movement for freedom, democracy and socialism that has developed in the West** ineffective.

In some way the regime has achieved some "victories" since the law was introduced. However, the regime understood that with this law it will not get any result within a short time. Because of the law applied neither the Kurdish national movement, nor the revolutionary and communist forces in the West have regressed, surrendered or given up due to the state's oppression. In the same way the dictatorship did not get any results from the attacks on September 8-10 and September 21, it remained an observer of the militancy and mass activities of the March-May period (March 8, Newroz, April 13, Mayday).

Since 28 February 1997 the army that considered itself responsible for the continued existence of the state declared its dissatisfaction with the developments at the patriotic and revolutionary front, first on April 12 using harsh words.

At a press conference at the general staff's headquarters on 12 April 2007, where also the commanding officers of the army were present, chief of general staff Y. Buyukanıt emphasized some points that would later become part of the memorandum on April 27:

The head of the army talked in his speech about the " PKK terror", "a separatist movement based on ethnic nationalism... with a political aim"; "nationalism in Turkey is nationalism of Ataturk, patriotism", "the Constitution of the Turkish Republic...covers all people living in this geography at once and that there is no ethnical discrimination; that "a huge campaign is organised against the Turkish Armed Forces that defends the Ataturk system of thought", that "such as in almost every grading also entered into the Turkish Armed Force...using the enemies of Ataturk and the Republic or with other methods...the armed forces are being attacked" and by this the aim would be "to put pressure on this holy organisation."

He also explained the political will concerning the presidential elections and cross-border operations and said the following:

The presidential elections:

"...The president elected is also the commander-in-chief of the Turkish Armed Forces. In this way the president would be of direct interest to the Turkish Armed Forces. I want to note that I believe that a president will be elected to this position who is bound not only in words but in fact to the main values of the Republic, to the ideal of secular, democratic and social state governed by the rule of law and to the unitary structure of the state and who shows this with his acts. I hope, both as a citizen and a member of the Turkish Armed Forces, that a president who is bound not only in words but in fact to the main values of the Republic... it is the decision of the Congress"

The political will and the question on the operation:

"...Is there a need for an operation in Northern Iraq? Yes, there is. For two reasons: Firstly, ... will it be useful? Yes, it will. The second point is ... There must be a political decision for a cross-border operation. The Turkish Armed Forces have more power than needed to realise these operations if they get this duty on the legal basis."

Of the memorandum of April 27:

"It is observed whether some groups that constantly strive to corrode the main values and first of all secularism of the State of the Turkish Republic have increased their effort recently."

Those who are involved in these activities do not hesitate to use the holy religious feelings of our people, they try to dissimulate their real aim by hiding these efforts that have turned into an open challenging of the state behind their religious vestment."

"The question that has come to the fore during the presidential election period has been centralised on the discussion of secularism in the last days. This situation is watched by the Turkish Armed Forces with anxiousness. It shouldn't be forgotten that the Turkish Armed Forces are a side in these discussions and are a staunch defender of secularism. Furthermore, the Turkish Armed Forces are against these discussions and the negative comments and will display their position and attitudes openly and strictly when necessary. No one should have any doubt on this."

Actually, the memorandum of April 27 is a result. The statement of April 12 must be considered as the real memorandum. The understandings of both the memorandum of April 27 and the statement of April 12 are conveyed in another form. It is clear that the army is quite dissatisfied with many things and has said what it had to say considering the political atmosphere appropriate. Suddenly it has changed the political life in Turkey. Now all parts of the Turkish bourgeoisie and in addition the EU have once more understood that politics in Turkey do not work without the army.

According to these gentlemen, a big part of the Constitution which is a product of the fascist coup of 12 September 1980, had been changed to adapt to the EU. The interference of the army into politics could not be stopped totally, but was limited to an acceptable level. So the army did not have the chance to realise a coup, interfere or announce a memorandum. And, the general secretary of the National Security Council was no longer a soldier but a civilian.

However, with the memorandum of February 28, as well as its statement on April 12 and the memorandum of April 27, the army showed that it has the power and talent to realise a "post-modern" coup with tanks and guns. By putting pressure on the government on February 28 1997, the army guaranteed the permanent existence of the regime for itself. In the following period the army had more or less retired to their barracks, in terms of active intervention in the politics the way they are today.

During this period, the army got the understanding that the "civil society organisations" that are defined as "disarmed forces" were a very important means for realising the coup and announced the memorandum. The rallies, which were started on April 14 in Ankara and were continued in Istanbul, Manisa, Izmir and Samsun and which were joined by millions of people, show openly to what extent the army has understood the importance of the "unarmed forces".

When the statement of April 12 was made, some organisations, especially those headed by retired generals, had already planned the above named rallies. From liberals to civil fascists, bureaucrats to universities and civil society organisations, all forces that were against the AKP and in favour of a "secular" Turkey were in fact mobilised by the "civil society organisations" that follow the army strictly.

Yet after the AKP had formed the government on its own, these "unarmed forces" had started to make the army come to the fore again and to make plans to overthrow the AKP government with their shouting that "Our homeland is taken away from us" and that the regime's permanent existence is in danger.

The statement of April 12 is the starting point for the overthrow of the government. It is clear that the statement of April 12, as explained above, once again proclaims war against the Kurdish national movement and by this, annihilation and extinction are once again mentioned, the statement fulminated against the EU because "it has invented minorities in Turkey", it contains self-criticism towards the USA for the cancellation of the decree (The decree of sending troops to Iraq in response to the demand of the USA. This decree came to the agenda of the National Congress on 1 March 2003 and it was not approved there as an achievement of the pressure formed by one hundred thousand people who made a huge rally outside the congress-tn.), and it also talks about the fight to be continued against political Islam aiming at the AKP, whose president must be elected, the army's prestige, the operation in South Kurdistan and the political will required for this.

The ideas that are presented in the memorandum of April 27 and the statement of April 12 have two certain crucial points stressed: "The struggle on the basis of defending the current secular understanding against political Islam as well as focusing on the hostility against the Kurdish national movement and the revolutionary struggle.

The dog fight between the cliques of the bourgeoisie or the struggle to overthrow the government found its expression in the understanding that was described in the memorandum of April 27: " It is observed that some circles who have been carrying out endless effort to disturb fundamental values of the state of the Republic of Turkey, especially secularism, have escalated their efforts recently" and "Those who carry out the mentioned activities which have turned into an open challenge against the state, do not refrain from exploiting the holy religious feelings of our people, and they try to hide their real aims under the guise of religion."


Related to this, the struggle to guarantee the permanent existence of the regime:

"The main problem that has been on the agenda during the period of the presidential elections has been concentrated on the discussion of secularism in the last days. This situation is being watched by the Turkish Armed Forces with anxiousness. It shouldn't be forgotten that the Turkish Armed Forces are a party in these discussions and the absolute defender of secularism. Furthermore, the Turkish Armed Forces are against these discussions and the negative comments and will display their position and attitudes openly and strictly whenever it is necessary. No one should have any doubts on this."

Total war against those who do not say "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk"

"To summarise, those who oppose the Republic's Great Leader Ataturk's or concept "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk" are enemies of the Republic of Turkey and will remain so."

"In fact...to fulfil this duty the Turkish Armed Forces have rights that are based on the law and they are strong enough to make use of these rights."

"The Turkish Armed Forces maintain their sound determination to carry out their duties stemming from laws and their loyalty to this determination is absolute." (from the memorandum of April 27)

The developments after the memorandum on April 27 show that in course of the two main basic understandings that were mentioned by those announcing the memorandum have undertaken steps which lead to results for them, and in this sense they are determined to apply the memorandum. Together with the memorandum the presidential elections were postponed officially, parliament was virtually suspended and attacks on the Kurdish national movement continued increasingly.

The statement "All those who do not say "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk" are and will remain our enemies" is an open war declaration against the Kurdish people and progressive, revolutionary and all other groups; it is the concept of annihilation and extinction, oppression and limitation within the borders wanted by the bourgeoisie that is expressed in the Anti-terror law. The army has declared all those who do not support the official ideology as enemies.

The presidential elections were a good opportunity used for the realisation of the memorandum of April 27 and with the memorandum that was announced in the middle of the night after the first round of the elections on April 27 the fight between the ruling class` cliques started as "the Cankaya wars".

In Turkey's history of coups and memorandums, the AKP government was first to have the courage to give the army an answer. Prime Minister Erdogan said in a statement on the memorandum: "The country's political structure experiences catastrophes from time to time."; "Our nation has not given a chance to timeservers who expect catastrophes and lead to disasters and will not do so." After the meeting of the ministers` council the spokesman of the government Cemil Cicek expressed his determination by saying: "The use of an expression by the chief of general staff, an institution affiliated to the prime minister, against the government can not be accepted within a democratic constitutional state." By this, he showed that his determination to stand up against the army. Cicek also said that he finds the date and time of the announcement of the memorandum appropriate and explained that the memorandum "appearing during this tender period while discussions on the constitution are made must be considered as an initiative to impact the holy judiciary".

With the demagogy of "secularism is in danger" the army, that had influenced millions of people, as the above named rallies showed, and tried to establish a legal basis for the memorandum, became active to hinder that it loses Cankaya, which it considered as the last stronghold of "secularism", the president's institution, and to use it as a means for the interference into politics. In the end, it got the result it wanted to have by influencing the Constitutional Court and entered the early general election period.

Although it was not discussed in the presidential elections before, the CHP (Republican People's Party), that this time has acted in line with the army to prevent the election of someone not wanted by the army and to keep Cankaya as a political post, put its view on the agenda at the Constitutional Court that there must be at least 367 deputies of the parliament present to elect the president. The Constitutional Court decided that 367 deputies are enough to realise the elections. The Constitutional Court made a political decision and opened the "legal" path for the army, the CHP and the "disarmed forces" to achieve their aim with the memorandum.

After these developments Prime Minister Erdogan had to declare that the early elections were a "need".

Erdogan started to realise an attack from his own front and demanded that the president should be elected by the people, that the president could be chosen twice one time after another and that his office should be limited with 5 years every time. He said: "We are in favour of deputy elections every four years."

Erdogan, who said that they will not bow in front of the general staff but act as they consider it appropriate, made the following statement: "We have made our call and with this call we will start this march. During this march (for changes of the constitution) we also count a referendum."

The first answer to this statement by Erdogan was given by CHP president D. Baykal saying "The president cannot be elected by the people". ANAP president Mumcu declared instead that they will support the proposal of Erdogan. (The AKP and ANAP`s share of the votes are sufficient for changes of the constitution.)

In a statement later made by Erdogan he described the Constitutional Court's decision as "a shot at democracy". Then the Constitutional Court made a statement in reply and said that Erdogan showed the Constitutional Court as a target. The Supreme Court of Appeal's former chief prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu declared to be against Erdogan who had said after the decision of the Constitutional Court: "We will decide on early elections" and "The president will be chosen by the people". The former chief prosecutor said that the parliament cannot decide on early elections while the presidential election period continues: "The election of the president by the people is a problem of the system. The proposal on changes of the constitution also can not be realised during this period. This would be kidding. Within this period, there cannot be realised any changes." By that, he rejected the effort of the AKP and explained his understanding: "I am afraid to enter a new crisis" and gave the message that he will not agree this easily with the initiative of the general staff.

The changes on the constitution in terms of the election of the president were finally accepted with the votes of AKP and ANAP in parliament. This law will only come into force when signed by the president and Sezer is not in favour of approving such a law. However, with his declaration on May 25, president A.N.Sezer vetoed the changes on the constitution that contained the election of the president by the people and send this point back to parliament to let it be discussed once more.

The dog fight on the judiciary level is at this level

The memorandum of April 27 has openly shown how things will become and which means will be used again and to what extent. This could be seen in the Cankaya elections. During this period the fascist dictatorship experienced a crisis on the basis of the following points: The fascist dictatorship could not reach any achievement from its new concept, it couldn't make the revolutionary movement give up, make it move towards the post it wants and it could not oppress the Kurdish national movement. The crisis appeared in form of the fight for "secularism" and against "the danger of reaction" and triggered the struggle between the cliques of the bourgeoisie. With the interference of the army the polarisation between the bourgeoisie parties reached a new level.

The AKP, which was founded by those who declared that they had taken their lesson from February 28, departing from the fact that the internal and international conjuncture was in favour of them, and trying to liquidate the army completely from the political life, started to act in a way as if they want to become free from a nightmare.

This is clearly shown by its attitude concerning the candidate for the presidency.

Just like the other parties of the bourgeoisie, the AKP is a party that defends the interests of the international capital and realises the neo-liberal attacks. Just like the others, this party is the enemy of the working class and labouring masses, too. It is a party that stands hostile towards the Kurdish national struggle and applies the bourgeoisie's traditional concept of denial and annihilation, just like the others. Its program is not different from the other parties programs in terms of quality. For today, it is a bourgeois party that tries to apply the economical and political program of TUSIAD as best. Like the others, the AKP is a party that fulfils its duty to protect the interests of the imperialist masters and acts on orders of the international capital. To become free from the army's pressure, it is a party that aims at becoming a unity with the EU and tries to apply extensive reforms in this sense. The increasing number of the cadres of AKP at the state institutions and its intents to create an area of ideological hegemony in the social life bother also TUSIAD. There is no doubt that such acts and measures create an area for the social reaction, too. But TUSIAD takes all these as acceptable.

There is no doubt that the AKP is a party that corresponds to the main principles of TUSIAD and its worldview. However, its power in parliament did not give TUSIAD another chance to make the AKP apply its program There was no other party that was strong enough to apply its program; besides the realisation of the program, the fact that there was no other party that could be the government was the real reason for the AKP and TUSIAD to act together. Both sides have their own clear interests in this ensemble: On the one hand, the AKP believes that it will get free from the army's pressure; on the other hand TUSIAD will have guaranteed the realisation of the economical program that is the expression of the interests of the local and foreign capital. As the common act because of the interests is a must, the groups in favour of the EU have done nothing else than tolerating some understandings and practices that correspond to the religious beliefs of the AKP.

The AKP trusted TUSIAD, the USA and EU. It was, somehow, supported by TUSIAD which considered it as "the lesser of two evils" and it was no obstacle in front of the native collaborationist capital and the international monopolist capital. On the contrary, it was the insurance of the success of the plans of native and foreign capital. For this reason the AKP planned that the army would no longer go beyond the limits of the present constitution and believed that they could make the candidate of their choice be elected as president. It becomes obvious that the AKP has trusted the inner and foreign forces that supported this party too much. The AKP played for high stakes and lost.

After A. Gul was declared a presidential candidate, the situation changed and the army started to talk about the regime question, how interested it is in the future of the country and that it takes a side in these elections. The loss of the last stronghold was not something that could be accepted by the army.

Cankaya is quite an important post for first of all the army and the "secular" group. This has been the fact since the foundation of the Republic. After the fascist coup in 1980, Cankaya, which was the place of the last "duty" of the commanders that were pensioned until 1989, was strengthened in its actions and was no longer just a symbolic post? From the point of view of the regime, Cankaya was somehow made a place of insurance. Just thinking of the loss of such a post is a crime for the army.

With the memorandum and leading the following period, the army threatened not only bourgeois parties, but also the society, and said "It is my will that counts". It is clear that the early general elections and the presidential elections will take place under the army's threat of realising a coup.

The EU announced to be against the memorandum. The USA did not stand against. TUSIAD, however, first criticized the memorandum openly by saying "One must respect the decision of parliament" and by this it showed its courage to oppose the government as well as army. A few days later it changed its mind and declared that parliament must adjust the demands of those announcing the memorandum.

The liberals, the pro EU forces or anyone thinking that "everything has changed completely", "democracy has come" and "the time of military interference have passed" have understood that they were totally wrong. Those who thought that the army could not act as it wants and have power on the EU, USA and TUSIAD while these forces still exist, once more understood that they were wrong.

The army has partially reached its aim from the point of view of leading the period:

*The mass participation in the rally on April 14 played an important role for the army to announce the memorandum. This participation which was estimated at about 700,000 or 1 million has encouraged the army. The rally in Istanbul played an even more important role. Following the stance of union confederations, such as DISK and KESK , who did not stand against the rally and even somehow participated, besides some groups of the working class and labourers, some parts of the Turkish petty bourgeoisie also took part in the rallies. The other rallies were crowded as well.

*The use of religion for hegemony has become the AKP`s basic policy, since it is a political Islamic conservative party. The religious radical past of the AKP cadres and the tradition they still follow today have constantly been used by, first of all, the army, as well as the "secular" group. It is also used for the polarisation of the society in terms of "secular-Sharia". With this kind of demagogy, of a "secular Turkey" the army has made millions of people become active, such as the rallies mentioned above, have shown.

With the above mentioned rallies, the army managed to organise the "disarmed forces" and to make them go on the streets. It also put huge pressure on the AKP and the political Islamic forces. It polarised the society by forcing them to choose between standing in favour of or against secularism, or in other words, through the slogans "secularism is in danger" or "secularism against the Sharia".

*It poisoned the million of masses that were gathered together with certain slogans with more and more chauvinism and managed to create a broader basis for acting for chauvinism.

During this period and especially at the respective rallies, the masses were taught the polarisation in terms of "secularism - Sharia".

And if we consider the participation of millions of people, it led to a separation of these two bourgeois groups by broad masses of workers and labourers. Today political reaction and the polarisation between the army-CHP and the AKP find its expression on the basis of this polarisation.

*After the memorandum of April 27 the attitude of "neither Sharia nor coup" gained quite a lot of interest at the respective rallies and among the "left" groups. By this, they had shown an attitude against the Sharia, as well as the coup. Such view does not do anything other than supporting the putschists. Right, there is at least the theoretical danger of the Sharia because of the fact that the oppressed majority of the people in Turkey are Muslims. However, the most important danger nowadays is not the Sharia because of the existence of the generations that grew up under the influence of the Kemalist ideology since the foundation of the Republic. There is no doubt that there are forces that want the Sharia and fight for it in this sense, are organised and strong. But the ones that do not want the Sharia are stronger than them. As the Turkish bourgeoisie has still its mentality of "if necessary we will construct communism, too", it will be them too constructing the Sharia if necessary!

*The real obstacles in Turkey for social improvement in any form are the forces that were represented by the creators of the memorandum just like the memorandum has shown. Therefore, it is the army and the forces led by it. There is no doubt that both sides of the parties saying "neither Sharia nor coups" are the enemies of the working class and labouring masses. Both parties try to drag the working class and the labouring masses to the ranks of their hegemony policies.

Doubtlessly, the alliance of one side against the other is talked about.

However, those who do not want to become a part of the fight between these two cliques of the ruling classes must prefer the struggle against the putschist, racist-chauvinist-fascist aggression that is on the agenda of the army to the struggle against both parties in the same way.

The masses should not get ambushed by the slogan "neither Sharia nor coup" which is prepared through the Memorandum and act with the consciousness produced through the Memorandum. The gravest error of the masses who participated in the meetings in Caglayan on 29 April, Canakkale and Manisa on 5 May, in Izmir and Samsun on 13 May was not to have seen this trap.

*The army has made the parties of the bourgeoisie, whom it put under pressure, enter a period of unification. The memorandum increased the polarisation on the bourgeois front. This must have been the result so that those forces that did not cooperate until now, that did not even greet each other but were not different in terms of programmatic differences faced unification and forming a union of powers: While DYP and ANAP merged quickly, the CHP and DSP declared that they will form a "union of powers" at the elections. The polarisation on the bourgeois front will not be restricted with what has been achieved by now.

By these means, it is planned to limit the power of the AKP that could become the government on its own.

*The army and the CHP, too, use the "disarmed forces" and the masses led by them with demagogies, such as "Everyone rejecting the understanding of the Great Founder of the Republic Ataturk "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk!" is the enemy of the Turkish Republic and will be treated likewise", "Defending the Republic", "defending secularism" and "Uniting under the flag" to stand up against the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement and will continue to use them in the future.

*The army leads the most apprehensive operations in Northern Kurdistan. With ten thousands of soldiers and arms that are the product of developed technology it continues to kill without making any difference between guerrillas and civilians. However, it can't cross the border, since the USA has not given its permission for that and the government has not shown a political will. Because of this, the memorandum of April 27 expresses at the same time an initiative to create a "political will" that follows the line of the army during the attacks on the Kurdish people that are also defined by "Those who do not say that they are Turkish are our enemies".

*With the memorandum the army had forced the working class and the labouring masses to take a side. The society struggles to prefer either the CHP, the party of the army, or the AKP. The struggle for hegemony between these two fronts of the bourgeoisie will continue with violence. The forces behind the memorandum will continue with their planned activities to strengthen the partnership of the CHP and DSP, to make the AKP shrink and to hinder that this party will again achieve the absolute majority during the general elections.

There is no doubt that the current regime is too strong to be scattered. However, it is decayed enough to be scattered. Because of the struggle for hegemony between the different cliques of the bourgeoisie and the fact that such a regime will only bring unemployment, pressure, plundering and massacres to the working class and labouring masses, as well as to the Kurdish nation, the regime cannot be led anymore and experiences a crisis of ruling.

The limited power of the communist vanguard and the scattered position of the forces that could unite against fascism and imperialism, to summarize the situation of the subjective factor, limit the conditions of interference into the memorandum and the political crisis. The struggle of the revolutionary movement in Turkey not giving up against the fascist attacks must be strengthened with the united revolutionary movement that has existed for the last few months.

As the army is forcing and leading, we could not stay silent and watch the working class and labouring masses giving preference to one of the bourgeois fronts. The united revolutionary movement must involve all forces that could unite against fascism and imperialism acting together. We have experienced this during the funeral of Hrant Dink and we have experienced this on Mayday. And today we face another situation where we could do this. The united revolutionary movement under conditions of early general elections means the establishment of a third front against the two fronts of the bourgeoisie. This front must be strengthened on the basis of the struggle against social and political reaction, chauvinism and militarism; the struggle for freedom and democracy, against imperialist occupation and plundering, unemployment and poverty and on the basis of the liberation struggle for the Kurdish nation. All progressive, revolutionary, patriotic forces, political parties and organisations, trade unions and mass organisations must participate in this front and unite against the fascist dictatorship and in the struggle risen from the elections following the ideas stated above. It is a need that all patriotic, democratic, antifascist, revolutionary parties and organisations come together at this front. Opportunities of such a united struggle are more likely than ever and have emerged and exist more than ever.


* This article has been written in May 2007.


**"West" means "West of Turkey"- The South and South-eastern part of the official Turkish Republic is in fact Northern Kurdistan. However, the existence of the Kurdish nation and Northern Kurdistan are totally denied by the Turkish state. "West" means the part where the Turkish people leave. We use this phrase to distinguish the Turkish land and the colonialised Kurdish land.
 

 

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About the Memorandum of April 27 and the Following Developments
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The fascist dictatorship's new concept of denial and annihilation that appeared with the "Anti-terror law" (TMY) launched in June 2006 has two aims: The first aim is to annihilate the Kurdish national movement. The second aim is to suppress and make the movement for freedom, democracy and socialism that has developed in the West[1] ineffective.

01 January 2008 / Red Dawn / Issue 12

The relations between the institutions in the state's high ranks have lately come to a dead-end. The polarisation between the president and the chief of the general staff on the one hand as well as the prime ministry and the head of parliament on the other hand has deepened. This "dogfight", which is carried out in the state's high ranks, actually displays the conflict between the opposing sides of the bourgeoisie. Using the presidential elections this conflict has been continued between the parties in form of a verbal duel which became more and more violent. The bourgeoisie and the whole regime forces concentrated themselves on the presidential elections. It is clear that this election should redefine the balance of power. This is one side of the question.

The other side of the question is about the fascist dictatorship that did not get the results by its new game aiming at suppressing and annihilating the revolutionary and patriotic movement in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan.

The fascist dictatorship's new concept of annihilation and extinction that appeared with the "Anti-terror law" (TMY) launched in June 2006 has two aims: The first aim is to annihilate the Kurdish national movement. The second aim is to suppress and make the movement for freedom, democracy and socialism that has developed in the West** ineffective.

In some way the regime has achieved some "victories" since the law was introduced. However, the regime understood that with this law it will not get any result within a short time. Because of the law applied neither the Kurdish national movement, nor the revolutionary and communist forces in the West have regressed, surrendered or given up due to the state's oppression. In the same way the dictatorship did not get any results from the attacks on September 8-10 and September 21, it remained an observer of the militancy and mass activities of the March-May period (March 8, Newroz, April 13, Mayday).

Since 28 February 1997 the army that considered itself responsible for the continued existence of the state declared its dissatisfaction with the developments at the patriotic and revolutionary front, first on April 12 using harsh words.

At a press conference at the general staff's headquarters on 12 April 2007, where also the commanding officers of the army were present, chief of general staff Y. Buyukanıt emphasized some points that would later become part of the memorandum on April 27:

The head of the army talked in his speech about the " PKK terror", "a separatist movement based on ethnic nationalism... with a political aim"; "nationalism in Turkey is nationalism of Ataturk, patriotism", "the Constitution of the Turkish Republic...covers all people living in this geography at once and that there is no ethnical discrimination; that "a huge campaign is organised against the Turkish Armed Forces that defends the Ataturk system of thought", that "such as in almost every grading also entered into the Turkish Armed Force...using the enemies of Ataturk and the Republic or with other methods...the armed forces are being attacked" and by this the aim would be "to put pressure on this holy organisation."

He also explained the political will concerning the presidential elections and cross-border operations and said the following:

The presidential elections:

"...The president elected is also the commander-in-chief of the Turkish Armed Forces. In this way the president would be of direct interest to the Turkish Armed Forces. I want to note that I believe that a president will be elected to this position who is bound not only in words but in fact to the main values of the Republic, to the ideal of secular, democratic and social state governed by the rule of law and to the unitary structure of the state and who shows this with his acts. I hope, both as a citizen and a member of the Turkish Armed Forces, that a president who is bound not only in words but in fact to the main values of the Republic... it is the decision of the Congress"

The political will and the question on the operation:

"...Is there a need for an operation in Northern Iraq? Yes, there is. For two reasons: Firstly, ... will it be useful? Yes, it will. The second point is ... There must be a political decision for a cross-border operation. The Turkish Armed Forces have more power than needed to realise these operations if they get this duty on the legal basis."

Of the memorandum of April 27:

"It is observed whether some groups that constantly strive to corrode the main values and first of all secularism of the State of the Turkish Republic have increased their effort recently."

Those who are involved in these activities do not hesitate to use the holy religious feelings of our people, they try to dissimulate their real aim by hiding these efforts that have turned into an open challenging of the state behind their religious vestment."

"The question that has come to the fore during the presidential election period has been centralised on the discussion of secularism in the last days. This situation is watched by the Turkish Armed Forces with anxiousness. It shouldn't be forgotten that the Turkish Armed Forces are a side in these discussions and are a staunch defender of secularism. Furthermore, the Turkish Armed Forces are against these discussions and the negative comments and will display their position and attitudes openly and strictly when necessary. No one should have any doubt on this."

Actually, the memorandum of April 27 is a result. The statement of April 12 must be considered as the real memorandum. The understandings of both the memorandum of April 27 and the statement of April 12 are conveyed in another form. It is clear that the army is quite dissatisfied with many things and has said what it had to say considering the political atmosphere appropriate. Suddenly it has changed the political life in Turkey. Now all parts of the Turkish bourgeoisie and in addition the EU have once more understood that politics in Turkey do not work without the army.

According to these gentlemen, a big part of the Constitution which is a product of the fascist coup of 12 September 1980, had been changed to adapt to the EU. The interference of the army into politics could not be stopped totally, but was limited to an acceptable level. So the army did not have the chance to realise a coup, interfere or announce a memorandum. And, the general secretary of the National Security Council was no longer a soldier but a civilian.

However, with the memorandum of February 28, as well as its statement on April 12 and the memorandum of April 27, the army showed that it has the power and talent to realise a "post-modern" coup with tanks and guns. By putting pressure on the government on February 28 1997, the army guaranteed the permanent existence of the regime for itself. In the following period the army had more or less retired to their barracks, in terms of active intervention in the politics the way they are today.

During this period, the army got the understanding that the "civil society organisations" that are defined as "disarmed forces" were a very important means for realising the coup and announced the memorandum. The rallies, which were started on April 14 in Ankara and were continued in Istanbul, Manisa, Izmir and Samsun and which were joined by millions of people, show openly to what extent the army has understood the importance of the "unarmed forces".

When the statement of April 12 was made, some organisations, especially those headed by retired generals, had already planned the above named rallies. From liberals to civil fascists, bureaucrats to universities and civil society organisations, all forces that were against the AKP and in favour of a "secular" Turkey were in fact mobilised by the "civil society organisations" that follow the army strictly.

Yet after the AKP had formed the government on its own, these "unarmed forces" had started to make the army come to the fore again and to make plans to overthrow the AKP government with their shouting that "Our homeland is taken away from us" and that the regime's permanent existence is in danger.

The statement of April 12 is the starting point for the overthrow of the government. It is clear that the statement of April 12, as explained above, once again proclaims war against the Kurdish national movement and by this, annihilation and extinction are once again mentioned, the statement fulminated against the EU because "it has invented minorities in Turkey", it contains self-criticism towards the USA for the cancellation of the decree (The decree of sending troops to Iraq in response to the demand of the USA. This decree came to the agenda of the National Congress on 1 March 2003 and it was not approved there as an achievement of the pressure formed by one hundred thousand people who made a huge rally outside the congress-tn.), and it also talks about the fight to be continued against political Islam aiming at the AKP, whose president must be elected, the army's prestige, the operation in South Kurdistan and the political will required for this.

The ideas that are presented in the memorandum of April 27 and the statement of April 12 have two certain crucial points stressed: "The struggle on the basis of defending the current secular understanding against political Islam as well as focusing on the hostility against the Kurdish national movement and the revolutionary struggle.

The dog fight between the cliques of the bourgeoisie or the struggle to overthrow the government found its expression in the understanding that was described in the memorandum of April 27: " It is observed that some circles who have been carrying out endless effort to disturb fundamental values of the state of the Republic of Turkey, especially secularism, have escalated their efforts recently" and "Those who carry out the mentioned activities which have turned into an open challenge against the state, do not refrain from exploiting the holy religious feelings of our people, and they try to hide their real aims under the guise of religion."


Related to this, the struggle to guarantee the permanent existence of the regime:

"The main problem that has been on the agenda during the period of the presidential elections has been concentrated on the discussion of secularism in the last days. This situation is being watched by the Turkish Armed Forces with anxiousness. It shouldn't be forgotten that the Turkish Armed Forces are a party in these discussions and the absolute defender of secularism. Furthermore, the Turkish Armed Forces are against these discussions and the negative comments and will display their position and attitudes openly and strictly whenever it is necessary. No one should have any doubts on this."

Total war against those who do not say "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk"

"To summarise, those who oppose the Republic's Great Leader Ataturk's or concept "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk" are enemies of the Republic of Turkey and will remain so."

"In fact...to fulfil this duty the Turkish Armed Forces have rights that are based on the law and they are strong enough to make use of these rights."

"The Turkish Armed Forces maintain their sound determination to carry out their duties stemming from laws and their loyalty to this determination is absolute." (from the memorandum of April 27)

The developments after the memorandum on April 27 show that in course of the two main basic understandings that were mentioned by those announcing the memorandum have undertaken steps which lead to results for them, and in this sense they are determined to apply the memorandum. Together with the memorandum the presidential elections were postponed officially, parliament was virtually suspended and attacks on the Kurdish national movement continued increasingly.

The statement "All those who do not say "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk" are and will remain our enemies" is an open war declaration against the Kurdish people and progressive, revolutionary and all other groups; it is the concept of annihilation and extinction, oppression and limitation within the borders wanted by the bourgeoisie that is expressed in the Anti-terror law. The army has declared all those who do not support the official ideology as enemies.

The presidential elections were a good opportunity used for the realisation of the memorandum of April 27 and with the memorandum that was announced in the middle of the night after the first round of the elections on April 27 the fight between the ruling class` cliques started as "the Cankaya wars".

In Turkey's history of coups and memorandums, the AKP government was first to have the courage to give the army an answer. Prime Minister Erdogan said in a statement on the memorandum: "The country's political structure experiences catastrophes from time to time."; "Our nation has not given a chance to timeservers who expect catastrophes and lead to disasters and will not do so." After the meeting of the ministers` council the spokesman of the government Cemil Cicek expressed his determination by saying: "The use of an expression by the chief of general staff, an institution affiliated to the prime minister, against the government can not be accepted within a democratic constitutional state." By this, he showed that his determination to stand up against the army. Cicek also said that he finds the date and time of the announcement of the memorandum appropriate and explained that the memorandum "appearing during this tender period while discussions on the constitution are made must be considered as an initiative to impact the holy judiciary".

With the demagogy of "secularism is in danger" the army, that had influenced millions of people, as the above named rallies showed, and tried to establish a legal basis for the memorandum, became active to hinder that it loses Cankaya, which it considered as the last stronghold of "secularism", the president's institution, and to use it as a means for the interference into politics. In the end, it got the result it wanted to have by influencing the Constitutional Court and entered the early general election period.

Although it was not discussed in the presidential elections before, the CHP (Republican People's Party), that this time has acted in line with the army to prevent the election of someone not wanted by the army and to keep Cankaya as a political post, put its view on the agenda at the Constitutional Court that there must be at least 367 deputies of the parliament present to elect the president. The Constitutional Court decided that 367 deputies are enough to realise the elections. The Constitutional Court made a political decision and opened the "legal" path for the army, the CHP and the "disarmed forces" to achieve their aim with the memorandum.

After these developments Prime Minister Erdogan had to declare that the early elections were a "need".

Erdogan started to realise an attack from his own front and demanded that the president should be elected by the people, that the president could be chosen twice one time after another and that his office should be limited with 5 years every time. He said: "We are in favour of deputy elections every four years."

Erdogan, who said that they will not bow in front of the general staff but act as they consider it appropriate, made the following statement: "We have made our call and with this call we will start this march. During this march (for changes of the constitution) we also count a referendum."

The first answer to this statement by Erdogan was given by CHP president D. Baykal saying "The president cannot be elected by the people". ANAP president Mumcu declared instead that they will support the proposal of Erdogan. (The AKP and ANAP`s share of the votes are sufficient for changes of the constitution.)

In a statement later made by Erdogan he described the Constitutional Court's decision as "a shot at democracy". Then the Constitutional Court made a statement in reply and said that Erdogan showed the Constitutional Court as a target. The Supreme Court of Appeal's former chief prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu declared to be against Erdogan who had said after the decision of the Constitutional Court: "We will decide on early elections" and "The president will be chosen by the people". The former chief prosecutor said that the parliament cannot decide on early elections while the presidential election period continues: "The election of the president by the people is a problem of the system. The proposal on changes of the constitution also can not be realised during this period. This would be kidding. Within this period, there cannot be realised any changes." By that, he rejected the effort of the AKP and explained his understanding: "I am afraid to enter a new crisis" and gave the message that he will not agree this easily with the initiative of the general staff.

The changes on the constitution in terms of the election of the president were finally accepted with the votes of AKP and ANAP in parliament. This law will only come into force when signed by the president and Sezer is not in favour of approving such a law. However, with his declaration on May 25, president A.N.Sezer vetoed the changes on the constitution that contained the election of the president by the people and send this point back to parliament to let it be discussed once more.

The dog fight on the judiciary level is at this level

The memorandum of April 27 has openly shown how things will become and which means will be used again and to what extent. This could be seen in the Cankaya elections. During this period the fascist dictatorship experienced a crisis on the basis of the following points: The fascist dictatorship could not reach any achievement from its new concept, it couldn't make the revolutionary movement give up, make it move towards the post it wants and it could not oppress the Kurdish national movement. The crisis appeared in form of the fight for "secularism" and against "the danger of reaction" and triggered the struggle between the cliques of the bourgeoisie. With the interference of the army the polarisation between the bourgeoisie parties reached a new level.

The AKP, which was founded by those who declared that they had taken their lesson from February 28, departing from the fact that the internal and international conjuncture was in favour of them, and trying to liquidate the army completely from the political life, started to act in a way as if they want to become free from a nightmare.

This is clearly shown by its attitude concerning the candidate for the presidency.

Just like the other parties of the bourgeoisie, the AKP is a party that defends the interests of the international capital and realises the neo-liberal attacks. Just like the others, this party is the enemy of the working class and labouring masses, too. It is a party that stands hostile towards the Kurdish national struggle and applies the bourgeoisie's traditional concept of denial and annihilation, just like the others. Its program is not different from the other parties programs in terms of quality. For today, it is a bourgeois party that tries to apply the economical and political program of TUSIAD as best. Like the others, the AKP is a party that fulfils its duty to protect the interests of the imperialist masters and acts on orders of the international capital. To become free from the army's pressure, it is a party that aims at becoming a unity with the EU and tries to apply extensive reforms in this sense. The increasing number of the cadres of AKP at the state institutions and its intents to create an area of ideological hegemony in the social life bother also TUSIAD. There is no doubt that such acts and measures create an area for the social reaction, too. But TUSIAD takes all these as acceptable.

There is no doubt that the AKP is a party that corresponds to the main principles of TUSIAD and its worldview. However, its power in parliament did not give TUSIAD another chance to make the AKP apply its program There was no other party that was strong enough to apply its program; besides the realisation of the program, the fact that there was no other party that could be the government was the real reason for the AKP and TUSIAD to act together. Both sides have their own clear interests in this ensemble: On the one hand, the AKP believes that it will get free from the army's pressure; on the other hand TUSIAD will have guaranteed the realisation of the economical program that is the expression of the interests of the local and foreign capital. As the common act because of the interests is a must, the groups in favour of the EU have done nothing else than tolerating some understandings and practices that correspond to the religious beliefs of the AKP.

The AKP trusted TUSIAD, the USA and EU. It was, somehow, supported by TUSIAD which considered it as "the lesser of two evils" and it was no obstacle in front of the native collaborationist capital and the international monopolist capital. On the contrary, it was the insurance of the success of the plans of native and foreign capital. For this reason the AKP planned that the army would no longer go beyond the limits of the present constitution and believed that they could make the candidate of their choice be elected as president. It becomes obvious that the AKP has trusted the inner and foreign forces that supported this party too much. The AKP played for high stakes and lost.

After A. Gul was declared a presidential candidate, the situation changed and the army started to talk about the regime question, how interested it is in the future of the country and that it takes a side in these elections. The loss of the last stronghold was not something that could be accepted by the army.

Cankaya is quite an important post for first of all the army and the "secular" group. This has been the fact since the foundation of the Republic. After the fascist coup in 1980, Cankaya, which was the place of the last "duty" of the commanders that were pensioned until 1989, was strengthened in its actions and was no longer just a symbolic post? From the point of view of the regime, Cankaya was somehow made a place of insurance. Just thinking of the loss of such a post is a crime for the army.

With the memorandum and leading the following period, the army threatened not only bourgeois parties, but also the society, and said "It is my will that counts". It is clear that the early general elections and the presidential elections will take place under the army's threat of realising a coup.

The EU announced to be against the memorandum. The USA did not stand against. TUSIAD, however, first criticized the memorandum openly by saying "One must respect the decision of parliament" and by this it showed its courage to oppose the government as well as army. A few days later it changed its mind and declared that parliament must adjust the demands of those announcing the memorandum.

The liberals, the pro EU forces or anyone thinking that "everything has changed completely", "democracy has come" and "the time of military interference have passed" have understood that they were totally wrong. Those who thought that the army could not act as it wants and have power on the EU, USA and TUSIAD while these forces still exist, once more understood that they were wrong.

The army has partially reached its aim from the point of view of leading the period:

*The mass participation in the rally on April 14 played an important role for the army to announce the memorandum. This participation which was estimated at about 700,000 or 1 million has encouraged the army. The rally in Istanbul played an even more important role. Following the stance of union confederations, such as DISK and KESK , who did not stand against the rally and even somehow participated, besides some groups of the working class and labourers, some parts of the Turkish petty bourgeoisie also took part in the rallies. The other rallies were crowded as well.

*The use of religion for hegemony has become the AKP`s basic policy, since it is a political Islamic conservative party. The religious radical past of the AKP cadres and the tradition they still follow today have constantly been used by, first of all, the army, as well as the "secular" group. It is also used for the polarisation of the society in terms of "secular-Sharia". With this kind of demagogy, of a "secular Turkey" the army has made millions of people become active, such as the rallies mentioned above, have shown.

With the above mentioned rallies, the army managed to organise the "disarmed forces" and to make them go on the streets. It also put huge pressure on the AKP and the political Islamic forces. It polarised the society by forcing them to choose between standing in favour of or against secularism, or in other words, through the slogans "secularism is in danger" or "secularism against the Sharia".

*It poisoned the million of masses that were gathered together with certain slogans with more and more chauvinism and managed to create a broader basis for acting for chauvinism.

During this period and especially at the respective rallies, the masses were taught the polarisation in terms of "secularism - Sharia".

And if we consider the participation of millions of people, it led to a separation of these two bourgeois groups by broad masses of workers and labourers. Today political reaction and the polarisation between the army-CHP and the AKP find its expression on the basis of this polarisation.

*After the memorandum of April 27 the attitude of "neither Sharia nor coup" gained quite a lot of interest at the respective rallies and among the "left" groups. By this, they had shown an attitude against the Sharia, as well as the coup. Such view does not do anything other than supporting the putschists. Right, there is at least the theoretical danger of the Sharia because of the fact that the oppressed majority of the people in Turkey are Muslims. However, the most important danger nowadays is not the Sharia because of the existence of the generations that grew up under the influence of the Kemalist ideology since the foundation of the Republic. There is no doubt that there are forces that want the Sharia and fight for it in this sense, are organised and strong. But the ones that do not want the Sharia are stronger than them. As the Turkish bourgeoisie has still its mentality of "if necessary we will construct communism, too", it will be them too constructing the Sharia if necessary!

*The real obstacles in Turkey for social improvement in any form are the forces that were represented by the creators of the memorandum just like the memorandum has shown. Therefore, it is the army and the forces led by it. There is no doubt that both sides of the parties saying "neither Sharia nor coups" are the enemies of the working class and labouring masses. Both parties try to drag the working class and the labouring masses to the ranks of their hegemony policies.

Doubtlessly, the alliance of one side against the other is talked about.

However, those who do not want to become a part of the fight between these two cliques of the ruling classes must prefer the struggle against the putschist, racist-chauvinist-fascist aggression that is on the agenda of the army to the struggle against both parties in the same way.

The masses should not get ambushed by the slogan "neither Sharia nor coup" which is prepared through the Memorandum and act with the consciousness produced through the Memorandum. The gravest error of the masses who participated in the meetings in Caglayan on 29 April, Canakkale and Manisa on 5 May, in Izmir and Samsun on 13 May was not to have seen this trap.

*The army has made the parties of the bourgeoisie, whom it put under pressure, enter a period of unification. The memorandum increased the polarisation on the bourgeois front. This must have been the result so that those forces that did not cooperate until now, that did not even greet each other but were not different in terms of programmatic differences faced unification and forming a union of powers: While DYP and ANAP merged quickly, the CHP and DSP declared that they will form a "union of powers" at the elections. The polarisation on the bourgeois front will not be restricted with what has been achieved by now.

By these means, it is planned to limit the power of the AKP that could become the government on its own.

*The army and the CHP, too, use the "disarmed forces" and the masses led by them with demagogies, such as "Everyone rejecting the understanding of the Great Founder of the Republic Ataturk "How happy is the one who says I am a Turk!" is the enemy of the Turkish Republic and will be treated likewise", "Defending the Republic", "defending secularism" and "Uniting under the flag" to stand up against the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement and will continue to use them in the future.

*The army leads the most apprehensive operations in Northern Kurdistan. With ten thousands of soldiers and arms that are the product of developed technology it continues to kill without making any difference between guerrillas and civilians. However, it can't cross the border, since the USA has not given its permission for that and the government has not shown a political will. Because of this, the memorandum of April 27 expresses at the same time an initiative to create a "political will" that follows the line of the army during the attacks on the Kurdish people that are also defined by "Those who do not say that they are Turkish are our enemies".

*With the memorandum the army had forced the working class and the labouring masses to take a side. The society struggles to prefer either the CHP, the party of the army, or the AKP. The struggle for hegemony between these two fronts of the bourgeoisie will continue with violence. The forces behind the memorandum will continue with their planned activities to strengthen the partnership of the CHP and DSP, to make the AKP shrink and to hinder that this party will again achieve the absolute majority during the general elections.

There is no doubt that the current regime is too strong to be scattered. However, it is decayed enough to be scattered. Because of the struggle for hegemony between the different cliques of the bourgeoisie and the fact that such a regime will only bring unemployment, pressure, plundering and massacres to the working class and labouring masses, as well as to the Kurdish nation, the regime cannot be led anymore and experiences a crisis of ruling.

The limited power of the communist vanguard and the scattered position of the forces that could unite against fascism and imperialism, to summarize the situation of the subjective factor, limit the conditions of interference into the memorandum and the political crisis. The struggle of the revolutionary movement in Turkey not giving up against the fascist attacks must be strengthened with the united revolutionary movement that has existed for the last few months.

As the army is forcing and leading, we could not stay silent and watch the working class and labouring masses giving preference to one of the bourgeois fronts. The united revolutionary movement must involve all forces that could unite against fascism and imperialism acting together. We have experienced this during the funeral of Hrant Dink and we have experienced this on Mayday. And today we face another situation where we could do this. The united revolutionary movement under conditions of early general elections means the establishment of a third front against the two fronts of the bourgeoisie. This front must be strengthened on the basis of the struggle against social and political reaction, chauvinism and militarism; the struggle for freedom and democracy, against imperialist occupation and plundering, unemployment and poverty and on the basis of the liberation struggle for the Kurdish nation. All progressive, revolutionary, patriotic forces, political parties and organisations, trade unions and mass organisations must participate in this front and unite against the fascist dictatorship and in the struggle risen from the elections following the ideas stated above. It is a need that all patriotic, democratic, antifascist, revolutionary parties and organisations come together at this front. Opportunities of such a united struggle are more likely than ever and have emerged and exist more than ever.


* This article has been written in May 2007.


**"West" means "West of Turkey"- The South and South-eastern part of the official Turkish Republic is in fact Northern Kurdistan. However, the existence of the Kurdish nation and Northern Kurdistan are totally denied by the Turkish state. "West" means the part where the Turkish people leave. We use this phrase to distinguish the Turkish land and the colonialised Kurdish land.