A new post to reckon with the fascist dictatorship: the Saturday sit-ins
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The struggle led in the meantime and the confessions made by some counter guerrilla members revealed important information on the dirty war concept of 1993-1996. The information on the mass graves where thousands of our people were buried after being killed and the BOTAS wells burned with acid was revealed. However, as it happened in the Susurluk trial of before or as well as in the Ergenekon trial being handled now, neither the dirty crimes of the state nor the National Security Council or the Turkish Armed Forces are included.

01 March 2009 /International Bulletin / Issue 79

 

Ten thousands of people were killed in the ‘90ies as a result of the Turkish state's attacks being part of the dirty war carried out against the Kurdish people as well as the attacks against first of all the communist and revolutionary movement in Turkey and the whole opposition in general to intimidate and scare the people. Thousands were forcibly disappeared under arrest. However, the murderers of these massacred registered as extra-judicial killings have been clear. Mehmet Agar, who is one of the bosses of the counter guerrilla, who is the former deputy chief of police and was later on made a deputy so that
He was granted immunity, defended these killings with his confession to have carried out "a thousand clandestine operations". Ciller, prime minister at that time, defended the gangs she had made use of during the dirty war period, by saying "Anyone shooting and anyone being shot to defend the state is honourable". This period, called the "dirty war period 1993-1996" during which this global war was carried out aiming to hinder the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement, the two axis of the united revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan.
The dirty war concept 1993-1996, on whose basis thousands of our people were forcibly disappeared under arrest and thousands were murdered in extra-judicial killings on the streets, were allegedly carried out in the name of "fighting against terror". This concept was directly applied by the National Security Council ( MGK ), which is the controlling mechanism of the army and includes leading figures such as the president and the prime minister. With this concept, that included the military, political, diplomatic, logistic etc. global war, the state even ignored its own laws and realised any fascist attack and massacre with the counter guerrilla it had founded itself. During this dirty war which was named 'low-intensity-war', the chief of executive staff at this period Dogan Gures ordered to burn down hundreds of villages, made the people of thousands of villages leave their houses and millions of Kurds were forced to go into exile. While in the rural area villages and forests were set on fire, in the cities institutions were bombed by the state's counter guerrilla organisations JITEM (Gendarmery Intelligence Service - this is a counter-guerrilla body whose existence was strongly denied by the Turkish state), special forces and MIT (National Intelligence Organization-Turkey), thousands of people were murdered.
Forced disappearance s under arrest and massacres as part of this concept which quickly increased in the years '93-'94 reached a new level with the arrest and disappearance of our comrade Hasan Ocak in March 1995. Our party was leading a struggle with the perspective to demand an account from the state for all the disappeared in the name of Hasan Ocak. As a result of this strong and hard struggle, the fascist state was caught red-handed and exposed. Our comrade Hasan Ocak was found buried at a cemetery for people with unknown background and taken to Gazi cemetery, Istanbul, where he was farewelled to eternity with a huge funeral. This struggle was developed so that it turned into the post of the Saturday Mothers organising a sit-in every Saturday participated by the families of the disappeared. On the international level the struggle become stronger through means such as conferences and the International Committee Against Disappearances ( ICAD ) and continued to demand an account from the state for exactly 200 weeks. Because of the strong attacks of the colonial fascist dictatorship, the families of the disappeared had to interrupt their actions in 1999.
The struggle led in the meantime and the confessions made by some counter guerrilla members revealed important information on the dirty war concept of 1993-1996. The information on the mass graves where thousands of our people were buried after being killed and the BOTAS wells burned with acid was revealed. However, as it happened in the Susurluk trial of before or as well as in the Ergenekon trial being handled now, neither the dirty crimes of the state nor the National Security Council or the Turkish Armed Forces are included, and the state is tried to be acquitted. It can of course not be expected that the fascist dictatorship admits its own crimes and confront itself with its crimes by its own. The only force to realise this is the organised power of the working class and the labourers.
The facts that have been revealed today and the memories that have been refreshed has brought forward the society being in a blind fury to demand an account with the state's dirty war concept. The effort and support of the Human Rights Association, the communist and revolutionary forces to enlighten the fate of the forced disappeared under arrest have again created a post of resistance of the families of the disappeared. On March 31, the relatives of the forced disappeared and those murdered in extra-judicial killings started sit-ins in Istanbul and Amed demanding the enlightenment of the fate of the disappeared and the responsible forces to render account. These sit-ins spread over to other cities every Saturday. The slogans "The disappeared must be found, the murderers must be convicted" and "We want justice" are shouted every Saturday at 12pm in whole Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The struggle that in the ‘90ies was actually limited to Istanbul has become stronger and is carried out in thw whole country. In Amed, the relatives of the disappeared marched to the former JITEM headquarters and to the BOTAS wells in Silopi. The trial started against Mehmet Agar, the one commanding "a thousand operations" as well as the Ergenekon trial are being observed, and the demand for justice of the working class and the labouring people is being raised.
By using the experiences of the Saturday post of the ‘90ies, we communists act with the perspective to create even a bigger post of resistance by making the fascist dictatorship confront with its dirty war crimes and force it to demand an account. This struggle that must be carried out by learning from the experiences to demand an account from the fascist dictatorships in Chile, Argentina and Peru, has not only the capability to mobilise the relatives of the disappeared but also the broader parts of society.

 

 

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A new post to reckon with the fascist dictatorship: the Saturday sit-ins
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The struggle led in the meantime and the confessions made by some counter guerrilla members revealed important information on the dirty war concept of 1993-1996. The information on the mass graves where thousands of our people were buried after being killed and the BOTAS wells burned with acid was revealed. However, as it happened in the Susurluk trial of before or as well as in the Ergenekon trial being handled now, neither the dirty crimes of the state nor the National Security Council or the Turkish Armed Forces are included.

01 March 2009 /International Bulletin / Issue 79

 

Ten thousands of people were killed in the ‘90ies as a result of the Turkish state's attacks being part of the dirty war carried out against the Kurdish people as well as the attacks against first of all the communist and revolutionary movement in Turkey and the whole opposition in general to intimidate and scare the people. Thousands were forcibly disappeared under arrest. However, the murderers of these massacred registered as extra-judicial killings have been clear. Mehmet Agar, who is one of the bosses of the counter guerrilla, who is the former deputy chief of police and was later on made a deputy so that
He was granted immunity, defended these killings with his confession to have carried out "a thousand clandestine operations". Ciller, prime minister at that time, defended the gangs she had made use of during the dirty war period, by saying "Anyone shooting and anyone being shot to defend the state is honourable". This period, called the "dirty war period 1993-1996" during which this global war was carried out aiming to hinder the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national movement, the two axis of the united revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan.
The dirty war concept 1993-1996, on whose basis thousands of our people were forcibly disappeared under arrest and thousands were murdered in extra-judicial killings on the streets, were allegedly carried out in the name of "fighting against terror". This concept was directly applied by the National Security Council ( MGK ), which is the controlling mechanism of the army and includes leading figures such as the president and the prime minister. With this concept, that included the military, political, diplomatic, logistic etc. global war, the state even ignored its own laws and realised any fascist attack and massacre with the counter guerrilla it had founded itself. During this dirty war which was named 'low-intensity-war', the chief of executive staff at this period Dogan Gures ordered to burn down hundreds of villages, made the people of thousands of villages leave their houses and millions of Kurds were forced to go into exile. While in the rural area villages and forests were set on fire, in the cities institutions were bombed by the state's counter guerrilla organisations JITEM (Gendarmery Intelligence Service - this is a counter-guerrilla body whose existence was strongly denied by the Turkish state), special forces and MIT (National Intelligence Organization-Turkey), thousands of people were murdered.
Forced disappearance s under arrest and massacres as part of this concept which quickly increased in the years '93-'94 reached a new level with the arrest and disappearance of our comrade Hasan Ocak in March 1995. Our party was leading a struggle with the perspective to demand an account from the state for all the disappeared in the name of Hasan Ocak. As a result of this strong and hard struggle, the fascist state was caught red-handed and exposed. Our comrade Hasan Ocak was found buried at a cemetery for people with unknown background and taken to Gazi cemetery, Istanbul, where he was farewelled to eternity with a huge funeral. This struggle was developed so that it turned into the post of the Saturday Mothers organising a sit-in every Saturday participated by the families of the disappeared. On the international level the struggle become stronger through means such as conferences and the International Committee Against Disappearances ( ICAD ) and continued to demand an account from the state for exactly 200 weeks. Because of the strong attacks of the colonial fascist dictatorship, the families of the disappeared had to interrupt their actions in 1999.
The struggle led in the meantime and the confessions made by some counter guerrilla members revealed important information on the dirty war concept of 1993-1996. The information on the mass graves where thousands of our people were buried after being killed and the BOTAS wells burned with acid was revealed. However, as it happened in the Susurluk trial of before or as well as in the Ergenekon trial being handled now, neither the dirty crimes of the state nor the National Security Council or the Turkish Armed Forces are included, and the state is tried to be acquitted. It can of course not be expected that the fascist dictatorship admits its own crimes and confront itself with its crimes by its own. The only force to realise this is the organised power of the working class and the labourers.
The facts that have been revealed today and the memories that have been refreshed has brought forward the society being in a blind fury to demand an account with the state's dirty war concept. The effort and support of the Human Rights Association, the communist and revolutionary forces to enlighten the fate of the forced disappeared under arrest have again created a post of resistance of the families of the disappeared. On March 31, the relatives of the forced disappeared and those murdered in extra-judicial killings started sit-ins in Istanbul and Amed demanding the enlightenment of the fate of the disappeared and the responsible forces to render account. These sit-ins spread over to other cities every Saturday. The slogans "The disappeared must be found, the murderers must be convicted" and "We want justice" are shouted every Saturday at 12pm in whole Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The struggle that in the ‘90ies was actually limited to Istanbul has become stronger and is carried out in thw whole country. In Amed, the relatives of the disappeared marched to the former JITEM headquarters and to the BOTAS wells in Silopi. The trial started against Mehmet Agar, the one commanding "a thousand operations" as well as the Ergenekon trial are being observed, and the demand for justice of the working class and the labouring people is being raised.
By using the experiences of the Saturday post of the ‘90ies, we communists act with the perspective to create even a bigger post of resistance by making the fascist dictatorship confront with its dirty war crimes and force it to demand an account. This struggle that must be carried out by learning from the experiences to demand an account from the fascist dictatorships in Chile, Argentina and Peru, has not only the capability to mobilise the relatives of the disappeared but also the broader parts of society.