Discussions on the solution of the Kurdish question
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These developments have shown that the Turkish colonial fascism's steps on the Kurdish question won't extend the border of individual freedom, that the minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people won't be ensured in the constitution and that the PKK is not going to be considered as a negotiating party in the Kurdish question.

01 July 2009 / International Bulletin / Issue: 83

The Kurdish question is once again in the very centre during this period: The Turkish colonial fascism has been making declarations since May, there have been attacks on the Kurdish national movement and the PKK announced ceasefire.
President Abdullah Gul said in May: "The first problem of Turkey is the Kurdish question". He continued and said that "2009 will be the year providing a historically chance" and declared that "good things will happen" on the Kurdish question. This situation led to the discussions that an approach has been started on the Kurdish question that is a central point on the agenda of the bourgeois media and that are expected eagerly by especially the bourgeois liberal groups.
Following President Abdullah Gul, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan said that " developments"
such as the changes of names of towns and villages, the introduction of the studies Kurdology at universities, a stop of the limitation of broadcasting anything in Kurdish on private channels and a meeting with DTP co-president Ahmet Turk could be taken on the agenda. Minister for Internal Affairs Besir Atalay made the following statement: "The inner and foreign booms for a solution are as suitable as never before".
After these messages of "developments" by authorised forces of the Turkish state, the DTP asked Erdogan for a meeting.
The PKK had decided on ceasefire until June 1. On June 1, the PKK announced to extend the ceasefire until July 15.
When the PKK extended the ceasefire, colonial fascism didn't hesitate with its answer. Chief of general stuff Ilker Basbug joining the annual meeting titled "The Turkish-US relations" in Washington gave the message "to fight with the PKK until the end." With his statements in the following days, he showed what the "historical chance" president Gul was talking about actually meant for colonial fascism. Basbug said: "We would say that in 2009 we are having a chance with which we could achieve more concrete results in the fight against the terror organisation. What is this chance? You may call it the elimination of the terrorist organisation... or destruction... or weakening... we have now a chance. And we say, let's use this chance..We have seized the opportunity. The terror organisation is in a very difficult situation. We must profit from this opportunity." Basbug gave the following answer concerning the search for a dialogue: "The state won't establish a relation with a terror organisation, it won't have any discussions and there will be no dialogue. Sometimes it is being misunderstood, as if the state will have a meeting with the terror organisation, this is not true. This would be the biggest mistake in the struggle against the terror. The state does neither respect the terror organisation nor have any relation to it." Once again Basbug's statements showed that "individual freedoms" are the maximal border of the steps undertaken in the Kurdish question, and the collective existence and rights of the Kurdish people were once again denied. Prime Minister Erdogan supported the statements of Basbug. He answered the call of the DTP "those who want a democratic solution must take off their fingers from the triggers" by saying "the state doesn't rest arms".
Parallel to these developments, operations on the DTP and the Kurdish national movement have increased since April. In metropolises such as Istanbul and Izmir, but also in almost all Kurdish cities, hundreds of DTP activists were arrested and imprisoned in police operations. Operations were also carried out against KESK , one of the three biggest union confederations in Turkey, in June and its members imprisoned. Particularly the wave of arrest of KESK members was answered with actions of progressive and revolutionary forces and labour organisations. Military operations continued despite the PKK's decision on ceasefire. Guerrillas who had fallen in clashed were entombed by masses.
These developments have shown that the Turkish colonial fascism's steps on the Kurdish question won't extend the border of individual freedom, that the minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people won't be ensured in the constitution and that the PKK is not going to be considered as a negotiating party in the Kurdish question.
It has become clear that the talks about developments in the Kurdish question are in fact efforts of the Turkish colonial fascism to create itself a new sphere of initiative against the current situation of the Kurdish national movement.
The military achievements of the guerrilla and especially the guerrilla's resistance of Zap against the operation on Kurdistan carried out by the Turkish Armed Forces in the beginning of 2008 had ensured a big militarily advantage to the PKK and gave moral superiority to the whole Kurdish national movement. After the operations, that had taken several days, the guerrilla's strikes continued with mass actions and revolts of the Kurdish people on the streets. As part of the imperialist solution plan drawn by the USA on the Kurdish question efforts were made to present the AKP as an alternative in Kurdistan before the local elections on March 29, 2009, but in vain. On the contrary, the DTP could increase its number of councils twice as much as before the elections on March 29, and for this, the party realised an important political success. This showed to the Turkish state how long it has advanced in the context of this policy and how its present situation is. Using phrases of "developments", the Turkish state, right now confronted with a Kurdish movement currently being dynamically, militant and having an inner united will, is once more trying to push the Kurdish movement into a new period of waiting, spend energy and to hold it up. Concerning itself, the Turkish state wants to recover its strength and politically/from the point of view of temper benefit from wearing the other party down.
Developments and the historical chance mean that the policies of presenting the AKP government as a solution alternative to the Kurdish people will continue, that minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people will definitely not be guaranteed and that new annihilation attacks are prepared.
It is the Turkish workers and labourers who are the real addressees of the Kurdish question to be solved in an equal and democratic basis, on a basis of a just and democratic peace. Turkish chauvinism is the biggest obstacle in front of a success of the Turkish workers' and labourers' struggle for political freedom. It is amongst the most important duties of this period that Turkish workers and labourers show their solidarity with the Kurdish people concerning the solution of this question.

 
 

 

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Discussions on the solution of the Kurdish question
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These developments have shown that the Turkish colonial fascism's steps on the Kurdish question won't extend the border of individual freedom, that the minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people won't be ensured in the constitution and that the PKK is not going to be considered as a negotiating party in the Kurdish question.

01 July 2009 / International Bulletin / Issue: 83

The Kurdish question is once again in the very centre during this period: The Turkish colonial fascism has been making declarations since May, there have been attacks on the Kurdish national movement and the PKK announced ceasefire.
President Abdullah Gul said in May: "The first problem of Turkey is the Kurdish question". He continued and said that "2009 will be the year providing a historically chance" and declared that "good things will happen" on the Kurdish question. This situation led to the discussions that an approach has been started on the Kurdish question that is a central point on the agenda of the bourgeois media and that are expected eagerly by especially the bourgeois liberal groups.
Following President Abdullah Gul, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan said that " developments"
such as the changes of names of towns and villages, the introduction of the studies Kurdology at universities, a stop of the limitation of broadcasting anything in Kurdish on private channels and a meeting with DTP co-president Ahmet Turk could be taken on the agenda. Minister for Internal Affairs Besir Atalay made the following statement: "The inner and foreign booms for a solution are as suitable as never before".
After these messages of "developments" by authorised forces of the Turkish state, the DTP asked Erdogan for a meeting.
The PKK had decided on ceasefire until June 1. On June 1, the PKK announced to extend the ceasefire until July 15.
When the PKK extended the ceasefire, colonial fascism didn't hesitate with its answer. Chief of general stuff Ilker Basbug joining the annual meeting titled "The Turkish-US relations" in Washington gave the message "to fight with the PKK until the end." With his statements in the following days, he showed what the "historical chance" president Gul was talking about actually meant for colonial fascism. Basbug said: "We would say that in 2009 we are having a chance with which we could achieve more concrete results in the fight against the terror organisation. What is this chance? You may call it the elimination of the terrorist organisation... or destruction... or weakening... we have now a chance. And we say, let's use this chance..We have seized the opportunity. The terror organisation is in a very difficult situation. We must profit from this opportunity." Basbug gave the following answer concerning the search for a dialogue: "The state won't establish a relation with a terror organisation, it won't have any discussions and there will be no dialogue. Sometimes it is being misunderstood, as if the state will have a meeting with the terror organisation, this is not true. This would be the biggest mistake in the struggle against the terror. The state does neither respect the terror organisation nor have any relation to it." Once again Basbug's statements showed that "individual freedoms" are the maximal border of the steps undertaken in the Kurdish question, and the collective existence and rights of the Kurdish people were once again denied. Prime Minister Erdogan supported the statements of Basbug. He answered the call of the DTP "those who want a democratic solution must take off their fingers from the triggers" by saying "the state doesn't rest arms".
Parallel to these developments, operations on the DTP and the Kurdish national movement have increased since April. In metropolises such as Istanbul and Izmir, but also in almost all Kurdish cities, hundreds of DTP activists were arrested and imprisoned in police operations. Operations were also carried out against KESK , one of the three biggest union confederations in Turkey, in June and its members imprisoned. Particularly the wave of arrest of KESK members was answered with actions of progressive and revolutionary forces and labour organisations. Military operations continued despite the PKK's decision on ceasefire. Guerrillas who had fallen in clashed were entombed by masses.
These developments have shown that the Turkish colonial fascism's steps on the Kurdish question won't extend the border of individual freedom, that the minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people won't be ensured in the constitution and that the PKK is not going to be considered as a negotiating party in the Kurdish question.
It has become clear that the talks about developments in the Kurdish question are in fact efforts of the Turkish colonial fascism to create itself a new sphere of initiative against the current situation of the Kurdish national movement.
The military achievements of the guerrilla and especially the guerrilla's resistance of Zap against the operation on Kurdistan carried out by the Turkish Armed Forces in the beginning of 2008 had ensured a big militarily advantage to the PKK and gave moral superiority to the whole Kurdish national movement. After the operations, that had taken several days, the guerrilla's strikes continued with mass actions and revolts of the Kurdish people on the streets. As part of the imperialist solution plan drawn by the USA on the Kurdish question efforts were made to present the AKP as an alternative in Kurdistan before the local elections on March 29, 2009, but in vain. On the contrary, the DTP could increase its number of councils twice as much as before the elections on March 29, and for this, the party realised an important political success. This showed to the Turkish state how long it has advanced in the context of this policy and how its present situation is. Using phrases of "developments", the Turkish state, right now confronted with a Kurdish movement currently being dynamically, militant and having an inner united will, is once more trying to push the Kurdish movement into a new period of waiting, spend energy and to hold it up. Concerning itself, the Turkish state wants to recover its strength and politically/from the point of view of temper benefit from wearing the other party down.
Developments and the historical chance mean that the policies of presenting the AKP government as a solution alternative to the Kurdish people will continue, that minimal democratic rights of the Kurdish people will definitely not be guaranteed and that new annihilation attacks are prepared.
It is the Turkish workers and labourers who are the real addressees of the Kurdish question to be solved in an equal and democratic basis, on a basis of a just and democratic peace. Turkish chauvinism is the biggest obstacle in front of a success of the Turkish workers' and labourers' struggle for political freedom. It is amongst the most important duties of this period that Turkish workers and labourers show their solidarity with the Kurdish people concerning the solution of this question.