The working class and the labourers will condemn the putschists!
Share on Facebook Share on Twitter
 
Other articles
 

 The coup of September 12 first repressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriots and afterwards it took this structure of the regime under legal protection of laws and built its institutions.  

01 August 2009 /

In Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, which experienced 3 military coups; the one of May 27, 1960, March 12, 1971 and of September 12, 1980 and on February 28, 1997 a "post modern coup" and where the struggle for condemning the putschists continues for decades, the discussions about the punishment of the junta generals has flared up again in the context of the internal conflicts between the forces of the regime.

The reconciliation concerning the policies of the USA on the Middle East achieved among the front of the army and the front of the government has been rocked once again by the came out of the ‘Plan for Action against religious reaction" targeting the government. This has shown again that the power struggle is continuing with all strength. At the same time, the discussion about the condemnation of the junta generals and the reckoning with the September 12 has come to the agenda again.
The military coup of September 12, 1980 is a bloody history of torture, execution, letting disappear people in police detention, political assassinations, extralegal killings on the street, refugees, burning of books and violations. Despite the first elections after the junta regime in 1983 and the re-opening of the bourgeois parliament, the army continued to be the main force ruling the bourgeois policy by means of the MGK (National Security Council). Moreover, the parliament was only opened after having oppressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriotic forces as well as the progressive democratic opposition and after guaranteeing the role of the army in policy in the constitution and the other institutions.
The 15 § has been included as a "temporarily" article into the constitution, which was forced upon the people by the force of weapons in 1982, which impedes the condemnation of the junta generals and their chief Kenan Evren, who carried out the military fascist coup of September 12. Thus, putschism has been guaranteed and legitimated on a constitutional level.
Somehow the "temporarily 15 §" of the constitution did not pass off but is still in force today. Actually, the state structure of the junta regime, which was introduced after the military fascist coup of September 12, essentially has been kept for 30 years in all its basic points.
The discussions about the coup flared up especially after the coming out of the coup document with the title ‘Plan for Action against religious reaction" firmed by Colonel Dursun Cicek. The Turkish Army called this document "a piece of paper" and stated that they will not start a witch hunt among themselves. However, resulting also of the forced reconciliation between the front of the government and the front of the army, the Colonel has been put behind bars by a civil court.
There are two reasons for this forced reconciliation which was made in spite of the power struggle between the government and the army continuing by all force. The first one relates to the international situation; the two fronts of the US-collaborator Turkish colonialist fascism reached the same position on the basis of the policy on the Middle East of the USA. The second reason is related to the inner balances. It is the fact, that the regime cannot endure any heavier conflicts.
The Turkish Army, which is losing many posts for a long time, which is also the reason why the Turkish Army put into effect one "coup plan" after the other, wants to keep its current situation; its influence and its privileges on the bourgeois power. Therefore, it frequently repeats the argument that the existence of the army is the safeguard of the regime. At the same time, Tayyip Erdogan could say in the last discussions that "the safeguard of the regime is the police". Even if he tried afterwards to soften his words, the message was clear. To pass the role of the safeguard of the regime from the army to the police means to pass from the front of the army to the one of the government. It is open, which one of the two sides will prevail in the ongoing conflict.
Erdogan tries to present the steps of pushing back the army and extending its own power under the name of democracy. At the same time, this struggle is not about in which way the character of the regime should change, it is about who will have more control on the existing regime preserving the basics of the existing military bureaucratic state structure and the fascist constitution from September 12.
At the same time, the coup plans coming forth frequently and the coup discussions, the statements made by the bourgeois media, the bourgeois opposition parties and various fronts of the bourgeoisie are not going further than watering down and caricaturing the situation.
The coup of September 12 first repressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriots and afterwards it took this structure of the regime under legal protection of laws and built its institutions. The MGK is the real governing mechanism of the state; the decisions on all fundamental measures of the Turkish colonialist fascist state are taken there. The Document of National Security Policy is the unofficial and real constitution of the Turkish Republic.
Behind the coup discussions of the bourgeoisie we see this reality. We have to understand the changes of the Turkish Penal Code made by the AKP government, which are opening the way for soldiers to be on trial at civil courts, within the context of this power struggle.
The progressive, revolutionary and communist forces are giving for years a big struggle aiming at the condemnation of the junta generals, the abolition of the "temporarily" article 15 of the constitution, penalty of torture and all other crimes against humanity. To condemn the putschists will be a big gain in the struggle of the working class, the labourers and the oppressed Kurdish nation for freedom and democracy. It is necessary to interfere conscious of this into the ongoing coup discussions and to grow the struggle against the coup of the working class and the labourers, who are the real address for the bloody crimes of the junta generals.

 

 

Archive

 

2020
January
2019
December November
October September
August July
June May
April March
February

 

The working class and the labourers will condemn the putschists!
fc Share on Twitter
 

 The coup of September 12 first repressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriots and afterwards it took this structure of the regime under legal protection of laws and built its institutions.  

01 August 2009 /

In Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, which experienced 3 military coups; the one of May 27, 1960, March 12, 1971 and of September 12, 1980 and on February 28, 1997 a "post modern coup" and where the struggle for condemning the putschists continues for decades, the discussions about the punishment of the junta generals has flared up again in the context of the internal conflicts between the forces of the regime.

The reconciliation concerning the policies of the USA on the Middle East achieved among the front of the army and the front of the government has been rocked once again by the came out of the ‘Plan for Action against religious reaction" targeting the government. This has shown again that the power struggle is continuing with all strength. At the same time, the discussion about the condemnation of the junta generals and the reckoning with the September 12 has come to the agenda again.
The military coup of September 12, 1980 is a bloody history of torture, execution, letting disappear people in police detention, political assassinations, extralegal killings on the street, refugees, burning of books and violations. Despite the first elections after the junta regime in 1983 and the re-opening of the bourgeois parliament, the army continued to be the main force ruling the bourgeois policy by means of the MGK (National Security Council). Moreover, the parliament was only opened after having oppressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriotic forces as well as the progressive democratic opposition and after guaranteeing the role of the army in policy in the constitution and the other institutions.
The 15 § has been included as a "temporarily" article into the constitution, which was forced upon the people by the force of weapons in 1982, which impedes the condemnation of the junta generals and their chief Kenan Evren, who carried out the military fascist coup of September 12. Thus, putschism has been guaranteed and legitimated on a constitutional level.
Somehow the "temporarily 15 §" of the constitution did not pass off but is still in force today. Actually, the state structure of the junta regime, which was introduced after the military fascist coup of September 12, essentially has been kept for 30 years in all its basic points.
The discussions about the coup flared up especially after the coming out of the coup document with the title ‘Plan for Action against religious reaction" firmed by Colonel Dursun Cicek. The Turkish Army called this document "a piece of paper" and stated that they will not start a witch hunt among themselves. However, resulting also of the forced reconciliation between the front of the government and the front of the army, the Colonel has been put behind bars by a civil court.
There are two reasons for this forced reconciliation which was made in spite of the power struggle between the government and the army continuing by all force. The first one relates to the international situation; the two fronts of the US-collaborator Turkish colonialist fascism reached the same position on the basis of the policy on the Middle East of the USA. The second reason is related to the inner balances. It is the fact, that the regime cannot endure any heavier conflicts.
The Turkish Army, which is losing many posts for a long time, which is also the reason why the Turkish Army put into effect one "coup plan" after the other, wants to keep its current situation; its influence and its privileges on the bourgeois power. Therefore, it frequently repeats the argument that the existence of the army is the safeguard of the regime. At the same time, Tayyip Erdogan could say in the last discussions that "the safeguard of the regime is the police". Even if he tried afterwards to soften his words, the message was clear. To pass the role of the safeguard of the regime from the army to the police means to pass from the front of the army to the one of the government. It is open, which one of the two sides will prevail in the ongoing conflict.
Erdogan tries to present the steps of pushing back the army and extending its own power under the name of democracy. At the same time, this struggle is not about in which way the character of the regime should change, it is about who will have more control on the existing regime preserving the basics of the existing military bureaucratic state structure and the fascist constitution from September 12.
At the same time, the coup plans coming forth frequently and the coup discussions, the statements made by the bourgeois media, the bourgeois opposition parties and various fronts of the bourgeoisie are not going further than watering down and caricaturing the situation.
The coup of September 12 first repressed the revolutionary and Kurdish patriots and afterwards it took this structure of the regime under legal protection of laws and built its institutions. The MGK is the real governing mechanism of the state; the decisions on all fundamental measures of the Turkish colonialist fascist state are taken there. The Document of National Security Policy is the unofficial and real constitution of the Turkish Republic.
Behind the coup discussions of the bourgeoisie we see this reality. We have to understand the changes of the Turkish Penal Code made by the AKP government, which are opening the way for soldiers to be on trial at civil courts, within the context of this power struggle.
The progressive, revolutionary and communist forces are giving for years a big struggle aiming at the condemnation of the junta generals, the abolition of the "temporarily" article 15 of the constitution, penalty of torture and all other crimes against humanity. To condemn the putschists will be a big gain in the struggle of the working class, the labourers and the oppressed Kurdish nation for freedom and democracy. It is necessary to interfere conscious of this into the ongoing coup discussions and to grow the struggle against the coup of the working class and the labourers, who are the real address for the bloody crimes of the junta generals.