UInternational Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan*
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The 3rd Congress of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLCP) has caused understandable uneasiness among some other groups. It was under- standable because the 3rd Congress was targeting everyone who was suffering the similar illnesses in the name of socialism and revolution by bringing the "revolutionary spontaneous", "bureaucratic and makeshift" attitudes to account. The Revolutionary Proletariat (RP), who was already in pain and bleeding due to the unsuccessful ideological struggle in the organisational questions, attacked the 3rd Congress with unbe-lievable narrowness. At this point, it is necessary for us to touch on this subject. For the ideology, which arose from the mentioned vulgar attitude, has got a relative role as being a guinea pig here.

While criticising KADEK in their article headed "The Imperialist Occupation and the '3rd Way' of the National Reformism", RP wrote also: "Formation of a federal system in Iraq will be the nucleus of the 'Democratic Middle East Federation'." In the mean time, RP was also commenting: "The sky became cloudy".

And, the RP writer was adding the followings to the footnote:

"The following decision was taken at the MLCP's 3rd Congress regarding the 'Changes in the Programme' part: 'The 3rd Congress has approved our Party's understanding of the formation of democratic or socialist federations together with the people of Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East.' (Political Report, p.101). Of course, we are not going to claim that the programme on the national question is being taken from the national reformism. This idea of federation, which is extended towards the people of the Balkans and Caucasus by MLCP, is entirely formed according to their actual needs. It is possible to understand this from the current situation, - however, in terms of a congress which is not even capable of meeting those needs, what practical needs it serves and on what political ground it settles, - apart from the theme of "peoples' brotherhood", - and at what point it differs from the Kurdish national reformism's understanding of federation." (RP p. 25)

It is being said "Of course, we are not going to claim that the programme on the national question is being taken from the national reformism", but in fact we would also have expected such a thing from the RP writers. What is being done with insufficient directness is almost nothing other than this. But what is more important is the demonstration of the fact that RP does not understand the matter even in the slightest degree. At least, on this occasion, it would be expected from them to start thinking about the question of "International Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan". But it doesn't work; the result becomes such when the love of criticism, conceitedness and haughtiness are combined.

Yes, the question concerns the theory of revolution as much as concerning the International Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The 3rd congress reached conclusions which renew and enrich the MLCP's theory of revolution, by analyzing our current world in economic, politic and social terms. For example: "The contradictions and struggles among imperialists, the law of unequal development of capitalism rendered, starting from the October Revolution, triumph of revolution in one single link of the imperialist chain, - in other words possible in a single country. It will continue to render it so. In the present stage, apart from revolution in one country, the possibility of regional revolutions has increased depending on the level of extension and intensity reached by capitalism in the internationalization of capital, commerce and technology." (Political Report, p. 42)

"The mentioned features of capitalist imperialism conditions coalescence more the proletarian revolutions with the anti-imperialist revolutions in a single world revolution front. Nowadays, military technological privileges of imperialist states and technical development in transportation enable them to intervene directly in every revolutionary development in the world. This increases the role of the international and regional revolutionary conditions (which are direct complementary forces of a revolution) in the triumph of revolutions in one single country. This also increases the regional and international revolutionary influence of victorious revolutions. The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie has internationalized a lot in this aspect, too. Although the role of the national factor remains significant for revolutions in single countries, the regional and international role of single-country revolutions is augmented, together with the role of the international revolutionary conditions." (ibid, p. 40)

"All these have made more convenient the material conditions for the international proletariat to be bound to the basic and programmatic goal of world proletariat dictatorship against imperialism. The economic-social conditions for the proletariat to lead the struggles of the peoples against imperialism and unite them for world revolution through an anti-imperialist wave became more convenient. On the other hand, the current reality makes the international actions and unity of the revolutionary proletariat, the peoples and the communist vanguards much more necessary for the triumph of the revolution. As a form of fraternity of the peoples, regional federations have gained a special importance both due to these mentioned reasons and in order to prevent imperialists and local bourgeoisie from driving peoples to chauvinist conflicts. This is much more needed for regions such as Middle East, the Balkans, and the Caucasus, where imperialist aggression and wars are densest. Our party is for the revolutionary federation of all peoples in our region. Although the conditions of united and international action have matured, revolutions will develop unequally. Our party sets forth the program of federal unity of the peoples for the revolutions of the peoples of our region, which will win victory simultaneously or non-simultaneously, and will try to achieve this possible goal." (ibid, p. 41)

"The intensifying main contradictions of capitalist imperialism perfectly mature the economic, social and material conditions of the world revolution of the international proletariat, bound to the program of world proletariat dictatorship against imperialism." (ibid, p. 43)

And lastly let us recall the following note of the Report: "Not only world-scale or general, but also regional organisations are necessary, valuable and important for both communist and anti-fascist, anti-imperialist unity and front." (ibid, p. 52)

Almost all revolutions of the 20th Century have witnessed the break of the imperialist chain at the most weakest links. The imperialist globalisation does not invalidate the situation. There is no doubt that the revolution in one country and the break of the imperialist chain at its weakest link are still holding their validity in our day. But "the possibility of a regional revolution", the opportunities for a regional revolution have been increased by whether the regionalisation tendency accompanies the imperialist globalisation or the conditions of imperialist globalisation. While the economical, social and material conditions of the world revolution are ripening, in short we say:

a) The theory of the break of the imperialist chain at the weakest link, "revolution in one country" still holds its validity. Together with this;

b) The role of the international factors on revolutions in single countries is increased.

c) The regional and international role of revolutions in single countries is increased.

d) The possibility of a regional revolution is strengthened.

The revolutionary programme and revolutionary strategy must take into account and respond to these facts that are brought into the open by revolutionary theory.

However, the international perspectives of the united revolution have always re-presented one of the questions that the theoretical efforts of the currencies with the claim of Marxism and socialism have not been much concentrated on. This situation is the result of a somehow "national narrow-mindness", but it could also be said that it produces the same on the contrary. This somehow "national narrow-mindness" means the narrowness of limiting the question of revolution with the borders of political geography that we live in, or the perspective that world revolution is not being developed. So much so that -in the political geography where we live - the revolution has been considered almost as satisfactory on its own since the beginning. But the currencies with the claim of Marxism and socialism cannot continue with their previous positions due to the 3rd Congress's consideration of and decision on the "international perspectives of the united revolution of Turkey".

In order to satisfy the curiosity of the RP and others who are interested, we must say that the idea of federation was in the programme of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party since the beginning. In the programme, the national question was formulated in the following way:

"13- A full equality of rights between Kurds and Turks shall be ensured, restrictions on all languages and cultures shall be abolished, a systematic struggle against Turkish nationalism shall be carried out, efforts shall be made to get Kurdish and Turkish peoples as well as Lazes, Gypsies, Abkhazians, Georgians, Caucasians, Arabs, Armenians, Greeks and other nationalities live together in the Union of Workers'-Toilers' Soviet Republics on the basis of full equality of rights and completely of their own accord."

The programme foresees unification of two equal workers'-toilers' soviet republics in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan for the victory of our united revolution and the solution of the Kurdish national question. The programme, which foresees a type of state formed by the unification of two republics, is also involving the idea of federation as the way of unification. We must underline the fact that the Marxist Leninist Communist Party is therefore open to form democratic or socialist federations with the people of the region before any other reason. And it was not very difficult to reach a conclusion of forming federations with the people of the region together, with the view of developing world revolution once we start searching for the answer of the question concerning the international perspectives of our united revolution. It was not difficult because the idea of regional federations already exists in the accumulation of the communist movement.

The honour of actualisation, bringing into the open the communist movement's idea of federation -that was forgotten or allowed to be forgotten- is incumbent upon the Marxist Leninist Communist Party as a revolutionary duty that its (MLCP's) own history created. It is also meaningful and coherent when taking into account that the role of loosing ability of understanding and pedantic objectorism was made in a high pitch without understanding what it means, and the theoretical conservatism is incumbent on the rest.

What sort of conclusions could be taken out from the defeat of the Kurdish national revolution in terms of the international perspectives of the united revolution? What are the international perspectives of the united revolution of Turkey? These questions can also be formulated as well as what is the possible revolutionary influence the united revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan could create on international level? What are the possibilities for our revolution to defend itself or how our revolution can defend itself against the imperialist intervention; - that is to say against the threat and danger of being crushed by isolation, strangulation and use of open counter-revolutionary violence of the world counter-revolution? What would be the strength and scale of the international influence of our united revolution? The determining importance of these questions and their answers in terms of the revolutionary theory, programme and strategy, that is to say revolutionary action and preparation as a whole, is far from in doubt.

The Kurdish national revolution, which was isolated because of it not being able to be put into action, raise up the working class and peoples of the region, at first the Turkish proletariat and the people, was crushed and a decaying defeat was imposed by imperialist intervention. The national limitedness and the national narrow-mindness of the leadership of the national revolution's strategy is a reality. But the relative limitedness of revolutionary influence that was objectively created by the national revolution, is another reality which should not escape notice also. Moreover, the national revolution was shown a tendency to spread in other parts of Kurdistan and the strategy followed by the leadership has also tended to reply that.

The result that should be taken from the basic lesson of the national revolution's defeat for the united revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan is; if Turkish and Kurdish proletariat will march with a perspective regarding revolution that is only sufficient for its own within the "national borders" -in the political geography of Turkey- then very likely it cannot avoid reaching the same end. That is to say, imperialism and the regional reaction and the ruling counter-revolutionary forces would want it to be crushed and it would be crushed through isolation,. For example, it is not very difficult to guess implementation of very strict isolation and blockade by trying to turn Greece and Cyprus into the bases of an imperialist intervention.

As it is known the collaborator capitalism of Turkey is tightly connected to the imperialist world economy. Their economical relations with the USA and the European imperialists are vital. But, they also have got vital interests in Turkey. In the period of the last quarter century, the collaborator capitalism has done everything in order to articulate and integrate within the reconstruction of the imperialist world economy, and it develops much deeper relations with the imperialist world economy. Particularly the conditions after the 90s' have created opportunities for collaborator capitalism to come forward also as an economical actor for the region and allow it to make openings in its economical relations with the Russian Federation and the Balkan countries.

It is not possible to predict for the scale and dimensions of the influence that would be created by the revolution on Europe and the world economy. But it is also clear that the united revolution of ours, which would march towards victory, will cause crisis-making effects over the world economy, at first over Europe. Moreover, it will not be a surprise to have the crisis-making effect in the Balkans in more shakeable manner.

The revolutionary influential area of the national revolution that broke out in Northern Kurdistan cannot be compared with the revolutionary influential area of the united revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The united revolution will be able to cause revolutionary quakes in the Middle East (at first in Iran, Syria and "Iraq") because of ending the Turkish bourgeois state's counter-revolutionary relations with imperialism and the ruling classes of Israel, Iran, Iraq and Syria, and of dismantling all these imperialist and reactionary alliances, but at the same time, by having a basic component such as the Kurdish national revolution.

On the other hand, all the following historical elements bring us to the conclusion that it is totally possible and, even in some degree, inevitable for the united revolution to activate the proletariat and peoples of the Balkans, Caucasus and Caspian Basin by influencing and shaking them deeply: The interaction and relations between the Turkish people and the people of the region because of the historical and cultural heritage left by 700 years of Ottoman sovereignty in, firstly the Balkans, the region; - the Turkish bourgeois state's influence on the region because of the international condition that was created at the end of the 20th Century and, more importantly, its relations of alliances with the ruling classes of other countries against the peoples of the region; - and the Turkish capitalism's expansion towards the mentioned spheres and its developing relations etc. The Turkish bourgeois state is an important factor and prop for collaborator bourgeois and reactionary regimes of imperialism in Balkans, Caucasus, Caspian Basin and Middle East. Our united revolution is going to attract great sympathy from the peoples of the region, who suffered a lot from the Turkish ruling classes and their predecessor Ottoman despotism for centuries, and to both propagate people of the region to rise up and facilitate the collapse of the regional countries' ruling classes by weakening them.

The result, which should be taken from all these, is that the Kurdish and Turkish proletariat marching towards their socialist goals by uniting around the aim of united revolution cannot limit their perspective of revolution only with the "political geography of Turkey", that is to say the "national borders". The united revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan should have the revolutionary perspective of realizing the revolutionary influence that it could create in Balkans, Caucasus-Caspian Basin and Middle East, activating and rising up the proletariat and toilers, the peoples in the mentioned regions and countries, and "expanding" towards all these directions. The international direction of the uninterrupted "united revolution" or its connection with the world revolution comes into clear perspective here.

What should be the programmatic goal of a revolutionary strategy tended to realize the influence that could be created by united revolution? This question is taking us to the matter of federation.

The history of the idea of regional federation goes back at least to the beginning of the 20th Century. Al-though it was not what was foreseen, the Soviet Union was established in the form of a federation and later was organised as the USSR. So much so there were federations among the republics that created the USSR. The Russian Federation for example.

The "Balkan Federation" strategy is also being developed as a respond of the communists to the bourgeoisie's and imperialists' strategy of "Balkanization"; taking peoples under yoke and domination by weakening them by dividing them into small pieces on the basis of national and religious differences, and causing them to kill each other. However, the roots of the idea of "Balkan Federation", doubtlessly, are in the 3rd International's theory and programme on the world revolution.

The programme of the 3rd International considers communism as the "world system":

"The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace world capitalist economy by a world system of Communism. Communist society, the basis for which has been prepared by the whole course of historical development, is mankind's only way out, for it alone can abolish the contradictions of the capitalist system which threaten to de-grade and destroy the human race." (A Hand Book of Marxism Edited by Emile Burns, The Programme of the Communist International, p. 984)

After explaining the aimed "Communist World System", "Communist World Society" in "the Ultimate Aim of the Communist International - World Communism" section, it later dwells on "the Period of Transition from Capitalism to Socialism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat". "Between capitalist society and Communist society a period of revolutionary transformation intervenes, during which the one changes into the other. Correspondingly, there is also an intervening period of political transition, in which the essential State form is the re-volutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. The transition from the world dictatorship of imperialism to the world dictatorship of the proletariat extends over a long period of proletarian struggles with defeats as well as victories; a period of continues general crisis in capitalist relationships and growth of social revolutions, i.e., of proletarian civil wars against the bourgeoisie; a period of national wars and colonial rebellions which, although not in themselves revolutionary proletarian socialist movements, are nevertheless, objectively, - in so far as they undermine the domination of imperialism, - constituent parts of the world proletarian revolution; a period in which capitalist and socialist economic and social systems exist side by side in "peaceful" relationships as well as in armed conflict; a period of formation of a Union of Soviet Republics; a period of wars of imperialist States against Soviet States; a period in which the ties between the Soviet States and colonial peoples become more and more closely established, etc." (ibid, p. 988)

"Thus, the dictatorship of the world proletariat is an essential and vital condition precedent to the transportation of world capitalist economy into socialist economy. This world dictatorship can be established only when the victory of socialism has been achieved in certain countries or groups of countries, when the newly established proletarian republics enter into a federal union with the already existing proletarian republics, when the number of such federations has grown and extended also to the colonies which have emancipated themselves from the yoke of imperialism, and when these federations of republics have grown finally into a World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics uniting the whole of mankind under the hegemony of the international proletariat organised as a State." (ibid, p. 990)

To what extent the communists of all countries throughout the 20th Century were attached to the programme of 3rd International is another subject that should be separately researched and discussed. But when one looks from the perspective of the world revolution, and if you are well versed in the accumulation of the international communist movement, then it becomes "not difficult" to reach the conclusion that the "formation of democratic or socialist federations with the peoples of Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East" is in the extension of our united revolution's international perspectives.

It is the success of RP to think of federation only in relation to the national question and consider it as the programme of the national movements, and to make so many mistakes only in a single sentence.

* Translation of an article taken from the journal Teoride Dogrultu (Direction in Theory), number 17, July/August 2004PON

 

 

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UInternational Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan*
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The 3rd Congress of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLCP) has caused understandable uneasiness among some other groups. It was under- standable because the 3rd Congress was targeting everyone who was suffering the similar illnesses in the name of socialism and revolution by bringing the "revolutionary spontaneous", "bureaucratic and makeshift" attitudes to account. The Revolutionary Proletariat (RP), who was already in pain and bleeding due to the unsuccessful ideological struggle in the organisational questions, attacked the 3rd Congress with unbe-lievable narrowness. At this point, it is necessary for us to touch on this subject. For the ideology, which arose from the mentioned vulgar attitude, has got a relative role as being a guinea pig here.

While criticising KADEK in their article headed "The Imperialist Occupation and the '3rd Way' of the National Reformism", RP wrote also: "Formation of a federal system in Iraq will be the nucleus of the 'Democratic Middle East Federation'." In the mean time, RP was also commenting: "The sky became cloudy".

And, the RP writer was adding the followings to the footnote:

"The following decision was taken at the MLCP's 3rd Congress regarding the 'Changes in the Programme' part: 'The 3rd Congress has approved our Party's understanding of the formation of democratic or socialist federations together with the people of Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East.' (Political Report, p.101). Of course, we are not going to claim that the programme on the national question is being taken from the national reformism. This idea of federation, which is extended towards the people of the Balkans and Caucasus by MLCP, is entirely formed according to their actual needs. It is possible to understand this from the current situation, - however, in terms of a congress which is not even capable of meeting those needs, what practical needs it serves and on what political ground it settles, - apart from the theme of "peoples' brotherhood", - and at what point it differs from the Kurdish national reformism's understanding of federation." (RP p. 25)

It is being said "Of course, we are not going to claim that the programme on the national question is being taken from the national reformism", but in fact we would also have expected such a thing from the RP writers. What is being done with insufficient directness is almost nothing other than this. But what is more important is the demonstration of the fact that RP does not understand the matter even in the slightest degree. At least, on this occasion, it would be expected from them to start thinking about the question of "International Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan". But it doesn't work; the result becomes such when the love of criticism, conceitedness and haughtiness are combined.

Yes, the question concerns the theory of revolution as much as concerning the International Perspectives of the United Revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The 3rd congress reached conclusions which renew and enrich the MLCP's theory of revolution, by analyzing our current world in economic, politic and social terms. For example: "The contradictions and struggles among imperialists, the law of unequal development of capitalism rendered, starting from the October Revolution, triumph of revolution in one single link of the imperialist chain, - in other words possible in a single country. It will continue to render it so. In the present stage, apart from revolution in one country, the possibility of regional revolutions has increased depending on the level of extension and intensity reached by capitalism in the internationalization of capital, commerce and technology." (Political Report, p. 42)

"The mentioned features of capitalist imperialism conditions coalescence more the proletarian revolutions with the anti-imperialist revolutions in a single world revolution front. Nowadays, military technological privileges of imperialist states and technical development in transportation enable them to intervene directly in every revolutionary development in the world. This increases the role of the international and regional revolutionary conditions (which are direct complementary forces of a revolution) in the triumph of revolutions in one single country. This also increases the regional and international revolutionary influence of victorious revolutions. The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie has internationalized a lot in this aspect, too. Although the role of the national factor remains significant for revolutions in single countries, the regional and international role of single-country revolutions is augmented, together with the role of the international revolutionary conditions." (ibid, p. 40)

"All these have made more convenient the material conditions for the international proletariat to be bound to the basic and programmatic goal of world proletariat dictatorship against imperialism. The economic-social conditions for the proletariat to lead the struggles of the peoples against imperialism and unite them for world revolution through an anti-imperialist wave became more convenient. On the other hand, the current reality makes the international actions and unity of the revolutionary proletariat, the peoples and the communist vanguards much more necessary for the triumph of the revolution. As a form of fraternity of the peoples, regional federations have gained a special importance both due to these mentioned reasons and in order to prevent imperialists and local bourgeoisie from driving peoples to chauvinist conflicts. This is much more needed for regions such as Middle East, the Balkans, and the Caucasus, where imperialist aggression and wars are densest. Our party is for the revolutionary federation of all peoples in our region. Although the conditions of united and international action have matured, revolutions will develop unequally. Our party sets forth the program of federal unity of the peoples for the revolutions of the peoples of our region, which will win victory simultaneously or non-simultaneously, and will try to achieve this possible goal." (ibid, p. 41)

"The intensifying main contradictions of capitalist imperialism perfectly mature the economic, social and material conditions of the world revolution of the international proletariat, bound to the program of world proletariat dictatorship against imperialism." (ibid, p. 43)

And lastly let us recall the following note of the Report: "Not only world-scale or general, but also regional organisations are necessary, valuable and important for both communist and anti-fascist, anti-imperialist unity and front." (ibid, p. 52)

Almost all revolutions of the 20th Century have witnessed the break of the imperialist chain at the most weakest links. The imperialist globalisation does not invalidate the situation. There is no doubt that the revolution in one country and the break of the imperialist chain at its weakest link are still holding their validity in our day. But "the possibility of a regional revolution", the opportunities for a regional revolution have been increased by whether the regionalisation tendency accompanies the imperialist globalisation or the conditions of imperialist globalisation. While the economical, social and material conditions of the world revolution are ripening, in short we say:

a) The theory of the break of the imperialist chain at the weakest link, "revolution in one country" still holds its validity. Together with this;

b) The role of the international factors on revolutions in single countries is increased.

c) The regional and international role of revolutions in single countries is increased.

d) The possibility of a regional revolution is strengthened.

The revolutionary programme and revolutionary strategy must take into account and respond to these facts that are brought into the open by revolutionary theory.

However, the international perspectives of the united revolution have always re-presented one of the questions that the theoretical efforts of the currencies with the claim of Marxism and socialism have not been much concentrated on. This situation is the result of a somehow "national narrow-mindness", but it could also be said that it produces the same on the contrary. This somehow "national narrow-mindness" means the narrowness of limiting the question of revolution with the borders of political geography that we live in, or the perspective that world revolution is not being developed. So much so that -in the political geography where we live - the revolution has been considered almost as satisfactory on its own since the beginning. But the currencies with the claim of Marxism and socialism cannot continue with their previous positions due to the 3rd Congress's consideration of and decision on the "international perspectives of the united revolution of Turkey".

In order to satisfy the curiosity of the RP and others who are interested, we must say that the idea of federation was in the programme of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party since the beginning. In the programme, the national question was formulated in the following way:

"13- A full equality of rights between Kurds and Turks shall be ensured, restrictions on all languages and cultures shall be abolished, a systematic struggle against Turkish nationalism shall be carried out, efforts shall be made to get Kurdish and Turkish peoples as well as Lazes, Gypsies, Abkhazians, Georgians, Caucasians, Arabs, Armenians, Greeks and other nationalities live together in the Union of Workers'-Toilers' Soviet Republics on the basis of full equality of rights and completely of their own accord."

The programme foresees unification of two equal workers'-toilers' soviet republics in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan for the victory of our united revolution and the solution of the Kurdish national question. The programme, which foresees a type of state formed by the unification of two republics, is also involving the idea of federation as the way of unification. We must underline the fact that the Marxist Leninist Communist Party is therefore open to form democratic or socialist federations with the people of the region before any other reason. And it was not very difficult to reach a conclusion of forming federations with the people of the region together, with the view of developing world revolution once we start searching for the answer of the question concerning the international perspectives of our united revolution. It was not difficult because the idea of regional federations already exists in the accumulation of the communist movement.

The honour of actualisation, bringing into the open the communist movement's idea of federation -that was forgotten or allowed to be forgotten- is incumbent upon the Marxist Leninist Communist Party as a revolutionary duty that its (MLCP's) own history created. It is also meaningful and coherent when taking into account that the role of loosing ability of understanding and pedantic objectorism was made in a high pitch without understanding what it means, and the theoretical conservatism is incumbent on the rest.

What sort of conclusions could be taken out from the defeat of the Kurdish national revolution in terms of the international perspectives of the united revolution? What are the international perspectives of the united revolution of Turkey? These questions can also be formulated as well as what is the possible revolutionary influence the united revolution in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan could create on international level? What are the possibilities for our revolution to defend itself or how our revolution can defend itself against the imperialist intervention; - that is to say against the threat and danger of being crushed by isolation, strangulation and use of open counter-revolutionary violence of the world counter-revolution? What would be the strength and scale of the international influence of our united revolution? The determining importance of these questions and their answers in terms of the revolutionary theory, programme and strategy, that is to say revolutionary action and preparation as a whole, is far from in doubt.

The Kurdish national revolution, which was isolated because of it not being able to be put into action, raise up the working class and peoples of the region, at first the Turkish proletariat and the people, was crushed and a decaying defeat was imposed by imperialist intervention. The national limitedness and the national narrow-mindness of the leadership of the national revolution's strategy is a reality. But the relative limitedness of revolutionary influence that was objectively created by the national revolution, is another reality which should not escape notice also. Moreover, the national revolution was shown a tendency to spread in other parts of Kurdistan and the strategy followed by the leadership has also tended to reply that.

The result that should be taken from the basic lesson of the national revolution's defeat for the united revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan is; if Turkish and Kurdish proletariat will march with a perspective regarding revolution that is only sufficient for its own within the "national borders" -in the political geography of Turkey- then very likely it cannot avoid reaching the same end. That is to say, imperialism and the regional reaction and the ruling counter-revolutionary forces would want it to be crushed and it would be crushed through isolation,. For example, it is not very difficult to guess implementation of very strict isolation and blockade by trying to turn Greece and Cyprus into the bases of an imperialist intervention.

As it is known the collaborator capitalism of Turkey is tightly connected to the imperialist world economy. Their economical relations with the USA and the European imperialists are vital. But, they also have got vital interests in Turkey. In the period of the last quarter century, the collaborator capitalism has done everything in order to articulate and integrate within the reconstruction of the imperialist world economy, and it develops much deeper relations with the imperialist world economy. Particularly the conditions after the 90s' have created opportunities for collaborator capitalism to come forward also as an economical actor for the region and allow it to make openings in its economical relations with the Russian Federation and the Balkan countries.

It is not possible to predict for the scale and dimensions of the influence that would be created by the revolution on Europe and the world economy. But it is also clear that the united revolution of ours, which would march towards victory, will cause crisis-making effects over the world economy, at first over Europe. Moreover, it will not be a surprise to have the crisis-making effect in the Balkans in more shakeable manner.

The revolutionary influential area of the national revolution that broke out in Northern Kurdistan cannot be compared with the revolutionary influential area of the united revolution of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. The united revolution will be able to cause revolutionary quakes in the Middle East (at first in Iran, Syria and "Iraq") because of ending the Turkish bourgeois state's counter-revolutionary relations with imperialism and the ruling classes of Israel, Iran, Iraq and Syria, and of dismantling all these imperialist and reactionary alliances, but at the same time, by having a basic component such as the Kurdish national revolution.

On the other hand, all the following historical elements bring us to the conclusion that it is totally possible and, even in some degree, inevitable for the united revolution to activate the proletariat and peoples of the Balkans, Caucasus and Caspian Basin by influencing and shaking them deeply: The interaction and relations between the Turkish people and the people of the region because of the historical and cultural heritage left by 700 years of Ottoman sovereignty in, firstly the Balkans, the region; - the Turkish bourgeois state's influence on the region because of the international condition that was created at the end of the 20th Century and, more importantly, its relations of alliances with the ruling classes of other countries against the peoples of the region; - and the Turkish capitalism's expansion towards the mentioned spheres and its developing relations etc. The Turkish bourgeois state is an important factor and prop for collaborator bourgeois and reactionary regimes of imperialism in Balkans, Caucasus, Caspian Basin and Middle East. Our united revolution is going to attract great sympathy from the peoples of the region, who suffered a lot from the Turkish ruling classes and their predecessor Ottoman despotism for centuries, and to both propagate people of the region to rise up and facilitate the collapse of the regional countries' ruling classes by weakening them.

The result, which should be taken from all these, is that the Kurdish and Turkish proletariat marching towards their socialist goals by uniting around the aim of united revolution cannot limit their perspective of revolution only with the "political geography of Turkey", that is to say the "national borders". The united revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan should have the revolutionary perspective of realizing the revolutionary influence that it could create in Balkans, Caucasus-Caspian Basin and Middle East, activating and rising up the proletariat and toilers, the peoples in the mentioned regions and countries, and "expanding" towards all these directions. The international direction of the uninterrupted "united revolution" or its connection with the world revolution comes into clear perspective here.

What should be the programmatic goal of a revolutionary strategy tended to realize the influence that could be created by united revolution? This question is taking us to the matter of federation.

The history of the idea of regional federation goes back at least to the beginning of the 20th Century. Al-though it was not what was foreseen, the Soviet Union was established in the form of a federation and later was organised as the USSR. So much so there were federations among the republics that created the USSR. The Russian Federation for example.

The "Balkan Federation" strategy is also being developed as a respond of the communists to the bourgeoisie's and imperialists' strategy of "Balkanization"; taking peoples under yoke and domination by weakening them by dividing them into small pieces on the basis of national and religious differences, and causing them to kill each other. However, the roots of the idea of "Balkan Federation", doubtlessly, are in the 3rd International's theory and programme on the world revolution.

The programme of the 3rd International considers communism as the "world system":

"The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace world capitalist economy by a world system of Communism. Communist society, the basis for which has been prepared by the whole course of historical development, is mankind's only way out, for it alone can abolish the contradictions of the capitalist system which threaten to de-grade and destroy the human race." (A Hand Book of Marxism Edited by Emile Burns, The Programme of the Communist International, p. 984)

After explaining the aimed "Communist World System", "Communist World Society" in "the Ultimate Aim of the Communist International - World Communism" section, it later dwells on "the Period of Transition from Capitalism to Socialism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat". "Between capitalist society and Communist society a period of revolutionary transformation intervenes, during which the one changes into the other. Correspondingly, there is also an intervening period of political transition, in which the essential State form is the re-volutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. The transition from the world dictatorship of imperialism to the world dictatorship of the proletariat extends over a long period of proletarian struggles with defeats as well as victories; a period of continues general crisis in capitalist relationships and growth of social revolutions, i.e., of proletarian civil wars against the bourgeoisie; a period of national wars and colonial rebellions which, although not in themselves revolutionary proletarian socialist movements, are nevertheless, objectively, - in so far as they undermine the domination of imperialism, - constituent parts of the world proletarian revolution; a period in which capitalist and socialist economic and social systems exist side by side in "peaceful" relationships as well as in armed conflict; a period of formation of a Union of Soviet Republics; a period of wars of imperialist States against Soviet States; a period in which the ties between the Soviet States and colonial peoples become more and more closely established, etc." (ibid, p. 988)

"Thus, the dictatorship of the world proletariat is an essential and vital condition precedent to the transportation of world capitalist economy into socialist economy. This world dictatorship can be established only when the victory of socialism has been achieved in certain countries or groups of countries, when the newly established proletarian republics enter into a federal union with the already existing proletarian republics, when the number of such federations has grown and extended also to the colonies which have emancipated themselves from the yoke of imperialism, and when these federations of republics have grown finally into a World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics uniting the whole of mankind under the hegemony of the international proletariat organised as a State." (ibid, p. 990)

To what extent the communists of all countries throughout the 20th Century were attached to the programme of 3rd International is another subject that should be separately researched and discussed. But when one looks from the perspective of the world revolution, and if you are well versed in the accumulation of the international communist movement, then it becomes "not difficult" to reach the conclusion that the "formation of democratic or socialist federations with the peoples of Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East" is in the extension of our united revolution's international perspectives.

It is the success of RP to think of federation only in relation to the national question and consider it as the programme of the national movements, and to make so many mistakes only in a single sentence.

* Translation of an article taken from the journal Teoride Dogrultu (Direction in Theory), number 17, July/August 2004PON