September 12 as a counter-revolutionary movement in its 30th year
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The 30th year must be the year of politically and socially confrontation and rendering an account. On September 12 we must ask for all our losses. We must demand an account for all those we lost.

 

1 September 2010 / International Bulletin / No 97 

30 years have passed since the military fascist junta's coup on September 12, 1980. The military fascist coup on September 12 was organized in order to stop the class struggle that was developing and organizing the whole society and to liquidate the progressive, Kurdish patriotic, revolutionary and communist movement. The aim was to create a society that was dumb, deaf and blind. During a period when the ruling classes struggled to lead with the old methods, when the class contradictions reached its peak, the working class and labourer masses that were controlled didn't want to be controlled any more, when class and social dissatisfaction were shown in the streets, when revolutionary alternatives could be felt and the anti-fascist movement was growing, the military fascist junta seized power and realized the coup on September 12, which was prepared and planned by the Pentagon. September 12 is just like the military coups on May 27 and March 12 a US-American coup. This is clearly shown by the fact that the US ambassador sent news to the Pentagon at a time when the coup had still not been announced to the public saying "Our children managed it". A big group of the ruling classes supported the coup on September 12. Such a coup was needed in order to realize the January 24 Decisions which were directed by the IMF and which were on the agenda but weren't accepted by the working class and the labourers. Halit Narin, a representative of TUSIAD , said after the coup: "Now it's our turn to laugh" and by that, he told the class characteristic of the coup and for whom it was realised. Turgut Ozal, the creator of the January 24 Decisions had said: "If the coup wasn't realized, we wouldn't be able to realize the January 24 Decisions". When signing the agreements with the IMF he said "someone signing these decisions under other conditions would be executed" and defined the junta that fulfilled the needs for the high profits of the ruling classes. The social liberation movement of the working class and labourer masses had scared the ruling forces this much that after the coup on September 12, Kenan Evren of the junta chiefs said "It we didn't seize power today, it would have been them able to talk now" and the working class, labourer masses and their organized forces would be the target of all attacks. The constitution of this time was cancelled, the parliament dissolved, all political parties and unions, mass organizations, progressive, revolutionary and socialist press banned, their property confiscated, their leaders and members arrested and imprisoned. The leaders of bourgeois parties represented in parliament were behind bars in Zincirbozan, while the representatives of democratic mass organizations, members and leaders, progressive and Kurdish patriotic forces, revolutionaries and communists were legally arrested for 3 months, but were arrested for longer if needed and taken out of prison for new questionings. After these questionings with systematically torture, they were sent to prison again. Turkey and Northern Kurdistan had turned into an "Open Prison". Torture, oppression and tyranny had been on the daily agenda of this "Open Prison". According to official figures, together with the coup on September 12; 1.680,000 people were controlled, 650,000 people were arrested and tortured, 230,000 were taken to court alleged of different things, 517 decisions on execution were taken, 50 people were executed, 171 people died of torture, 299 people lost their life in prison and 14 out of them as a result of a hunger strike, 30,000 workers, 3,584 teachers, 120 lecturers, 47 judges, 153 second lieutenants, 216 first lieutenants, 26 captains and 2 lieutenant-colonels, altogether 397 officers, 176 sergeants, 447 officer cadet, around 3,000 people were dismissed alleged to be "suspicious" and banned from their professions, 14,000 people were deprived of Turkish citizenship, 30,000 people had to flee to foreign countries as political refugees, 937 films were banned for being "suspicious", 39,000 kilos of newspaper, magazines and books were annihilated during these dark days. September 12 brought also murders by unknown assailants and disappearances under arrest. Faruk Tunay was the first disappeared under arrest by the junta system. He was followed by Hayrettin Eren, Huseyin Morsumbul and Nurettin Oztürk. Cuneyt Aydinlar was the first disappeared officially registered by the state.
17 revolutionaries and communists showed braveness when going to be executed and raised revolutionary honour.
With all these massacres and attacks, arrests and imprisonments, September 12 was a movement to make the society lose its memory through the prisons such as in the examples of Metris, Mamak and Diyarbakir, to make the people in every field and in every way the same, and to built a wall of fear. The constitution of 1982 is a fascist movement that institutionalized this through the National Security Council (NSC), the High Board for Radio and TV (RTUK) and the Council of Higher Education ( YOK ). The progressive, revolutionary and communist movement was caught unprepared by the attacks of the military fascist junta of September 12, and they experienced a huge defeat. This defeat was a defeat that wasn't confronted with a resistance on the streets or at working places. The movement became isolated from the masses, its links with the masses have been weakened and it had to struggle for its existence. On September 12 and later on, as a result of the attacks many progressive, revolutionary groups and organizations didn't manage to gather again, they lost their leading power, they were liquidated and were driven to a change of their line and ideological and political liquidation. The progressive, revolutionary, Kurdish patriot and communist movement experienced a serious loss of cadres and militants; it lost its mass power. Although 30 years have passed since September 12, 1980, the situation today has still not reached the level of the time before the coup in terms of making the masses trust, being hope and becoming masses. 30 years have passed since the junta of September 12, 1980. When we look back after 30 years, we can see that the wall of fear created through September 12 has been destroyed, that the process of making people be the same has been repressed, that dumbness, deafness and blindness have been overcome to a certain extent, that a social interest for political and social incidents has developed, that the conscious to convict September 12 and all its institutions and social interest have developed. However, this is not enough to demand an account from September 12.
Even if this or that article is changed in this or that way, the constitution of 1982, that represents the law of September 12, as well as its institutions such as the NSC, YOK and RTUK are today still on the agenda despite the the 23 articles proposed to the referendum. All changes made have no deeper meaning than refreshing makeup. First of all Kenan Evren, all putschists are still not being convicted. Not only with the putschists, it has to be demanded an account with all results of the coup. In this sense, there is the need on the 30th anniversary of September 12 to demand an account politically and socially with September 12 and its results as a whole. The 30th year must be the year of politically and socially confrontation and rendering an account.
On September 12 we must ask for all our losses. We must demand an account for all those we lost. All progressive, Kurdish patriotic, revolutionary and communist forces must have this aim. This must be a common point and we must raise the struggle together from here. We must manage this. We must overcome this threshold. This is the way from darkness into brightness. This is the way how political freedoms could be won, democratic steps for the struggle for democratic rights and freedoms could be strengthened, the united struggle of the working class and labourers and the oppressed of all nations against the fascist dictatorship could seize power and the workers and labourers' soviets could be founded.
 

 

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September 12 as a counter-revolutionary movement in its 30th year
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The 30th year must be the year of politically and socially confrontation and rendering an account. On September 12 we must ask for all our losses. We must demand an account for all those we lost.

 

1 September 2010 / International Bulletin / No 97 

30 years have passed since the military fascist junta's coup on September 12, 1980. The military fascist coup on September 12 was organized in order to stop the class struggle that was developing and organizing the whole society and to liquidate the progressive, Kurdish patriotic, revolutionary and communist movement. The aim was to create a society that was dumb, deaf and blind. During a period when the ruling classes struggled to lead with the old methods, when the class contradictions reached its peak, the working class and labourer masses that were controlled didn't want to be controlled any more, when class and social dissatisfaction were shown in the streets, when revolutionary alternatives could be felt and the anti-fascist movement was growing, the military fascist junta seized power and realized the coup on September 12, which was prepared and planned by the Pentagon. September 12 is just like the military coups on May 27 and March 12 a US-American coup. This is clearly shown by the fact that the US ambassador sent news to the Pentagon at a time when the coup had still not been announced to the public saying "Our children managed it". A big group of the ruling classes supported the coup on September 12. Such a coup was needed in order to realize the January 24 Decisions which were directed by the IMF and which were on the agenda but weren't accepted by the working class and the labourers. Halit Narin, a representative of TUSIAD , said after the coup: "Now it's our turn to laugh" and by that, he told the class characteristic of the coup and for whom it was realised. Turgut Ozal, the creator of the January 24 Decisions had said: "If the coup wasn't realized, we wouldn't be able to realize the January 24 Decisions". When signing the agreements with the IMF he said "someone signing these decisions under other conditions would be executed" and defined the junta that fulfilled the needs for the high profits of the ruling classes. The social liberation movement of the working class and labourer masses had scared the ruling forces this much that after the coup on September 12, Kenan Evren of the junta chiefs said "It we didn't seize power today, it would have been them able to talk now" and the working class, labourer masses and their organized forces would be the target of all attacks. The constitution of this time was cancelled, the parliament dissolved, all political parties and unions, mass organizations, progressive, revolutionary and socialist press banned, their property confiscated, their leaders and members arrested and imprisoned. The leaders of bourgeois parties represented in parliament were behind bars in Zincirbozan, while the representatives of democratic mass organizations, members and leaders, progressive and Kurdish patriotic forces, revolutionaries and communists were legally arrested for 3 months, but were arrested for longer if needed and taken out of prison for new questionings. After these questionings with systematically torture, they were sent to prison again. Turkey and Northern Kurdistan had turned into an "Open Prison". Torture, oppression and tyranny had been on the daily agenda of this "Open Prison". According to official figures, together with the coup on September 12; 1.680,000 people were controlled, 650,000 people were arrested and tortured, 230,000 were taken to court alleged of different things, 517 decisions on execution were taken, 50 people were executed, 171 people died of torture, 299 people lost their life in prison and 14 out of them as a result of a hunger strike, 30,000 workers, 3,584 teachers, 120 lecturers, 47 judges, 153 second lieutenants, 216 first lieutenants, 26 captains and 2 lieutenant-colonels, altogether 397 officers, 176 sergeants, 447 officer cadet, around 3,000 people were dismissed alleged to be "suspicious" and banned from their professions, 14,000 people were deprived of Turkish citizenship, 30,000 people had to flee to foreign countries as political refugees, 937 films were banned for being "suspicious", 39,000 kilos of newspaper, magazines and books were annihilated during these dark days. September 12 brought also murders by unknown assailants and disappearances under arrest. Faruk Tunay was the first disappeared under arrest by the junta system. He was followed by Hayrettin Eren, Huseyin Morsumbul and Nurettin Oztürk. Cuneyt Aydinlar was the first disappeared officially registered by the state.
17 revolutionaries and communists showed braveness when going to be executed and raised revolutionary honour.
With all these massacres and attacks, arrests and imprisonments, September 12 was a movement to make the society lose its memory through the prisons such as in the examples of Metris, Mamak and Diyarbakir, to make the people in every field and in every way the same, and to built a wall of fear. The constitution of 1982 is a fascist movement that institutionalized this through the National Security Council (NSC), the High Board for Radio and TV (RTUK) and the Council of Higher Education ( YOK ). The progressive, revolutionary and communist movement was caught unprepared by the attacks of the military fascist junta of September 12, and they experienced a huge defeat. This defeat was a defeat that wasn't confronted with a resistance on the streets or at working places. The movement became isolated from the masses, its links with the masses have been weakened and it had to struggle for its existence. On September 12 and later on, as a result of the attacks many progressive, revolutionary groups and organizations didn't manage to gather again, they lost their leading power, they were liquidated and were driven to a change of their line and ideological and political liquidation. The progressive, revolutionary, Kurdish patriot and communist movement experienced a serious loss of cadres and militants; it lost its mass power. Although 30 years have passed since September 12, 1980, the situation today has still not reached the level of the time before the coup in terms of making the masses trust, being hope and becoming masses. 30 years have passed since the junta of September 12, 1980. When we look back after 30 years, we can see that the wall of fear created through September 12 has been destroyed, that the process of making people be the same has been repressed, that dumbness, deafness and blindness have been overcome to a certain extent, that a social interest for political and social incidents has developed, that the conscious to convict September 12 and all its institutions and social interest have developed. However, this is not enough to demand an account from September 12.
Even if this or that article is changed in this or that way, the constitution of 1982, that represents the law of September 12, as well as its institutions such as the NSC, YOK and RTUK are today still on the agenda despite the the 23 articles proposed to the referendum. All changes made have no deeper meaning than refreshing makeup. First of all Kenan Evren, all putschists are still not being convicted. Not only with the putschists, it has to be demanded an account with all results of the coup. In this sense, there is the need on the 30th anniversary of September 12 to demand an account politically and socially with September 12 and its results as a whole. The 30th year must be the year of politically and socially confrontation and rendering an account.
On September 12 we must ask for all our losses. We must demand an account for all those we lost. All progressive, Kurdish patriotic, revolutionary and communist forces must have this aim. This must be a common point and we must raise the struggle together from here. We must manage this. We must overcome this threshold. This is the way from darkness into brightness. This is the way how political freedoms could be won, democratic steps for the struggle for democratic rights and freedoms could be strengthened, the united struggle of the working class and labourers and the oppressed of all nations against the fascist dictatorship could seize power and the workers and labourers' soviets could be founded.