Revolutionary Processes in the Middle East
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The working class and oppressed of the Middle East have seen with their own experiences that they can make history and that their organised forces are able to bring down the ruling classes. The revolts, in this sense, have become a great school of democracy for the people of the Middle East regardless of their political outcomes.

 

01 March 2011 /International Bulletin / Issue 102

 

The wave of revolts has spread all over the Middle East following the people's rebellion that erupted in Tunisia and could not be subsided even with the 23 years of dictator Bin Ali's escape from the country. In Egypt, one of the most important political and cultural centres of Arab world, the dictator Mubarak has had to withdraw. The people's rebellion in Libya has slided into a civil war. In Bahrain, Yemen, Iran, South Kurdistan and Iraq, the strikes, revolts and street clashes are following each other. Industrial demonstrations and strikes are being taking place In Oman. Even in Saudi Arabia important mass movements led by students are taking place.
The masses of people in the Middle East have dropped the reins of a revolutionary process by taking the streets against the reactionary, repressive, fascistic regimes for freedom and democracy.
In accordance with the power relations in each countries and the region as a whole, and again the strength, organisation and persistency/consistency of the people's rebellion, this process is going to result in various forms such as the overthrow of dictatorships and appearances of bourgeois democratic forms; continuity of former dictatorships in different forms but widening sphere of political freedoms; important political reforms being put in practice; continuity of former regimes in new forms by limited concessions given to the people's movement through US and EU imperialists' intervention. But however its concrete political consequences happen in each countries and the region as a whole, there is no doubt the revolt already involves very important lessons and experiences.
The revolts are not being end up in dismantling of regimes and establishment of democratic popular regimes instead because of the weakness of revolutionary subject and the activeness of Islamist, bourgeois liberal and Arab nationalist forces. The change of power, establishment of new regimes by overthrow of the old social and political regimes did not happen yet in any of the examples. But the experiences are corresponding to a revolutionary situation and a revolutionary process that shakes the political systems in the Middle East.
The revolts reflected the accumulated reaction of the working class and oppressed against the hunger, poverty and unemployment, as well as their anger on the crimes committed by the US and other occupant imperialist forces against the people of Iraq and Palestine. However, it also became a process where the working class and the oppressed have associated themselves with the question of political freedoms in the countries, and where the fascistic dictatorships directly and massively considered as the centre of all these problems and therefore targeted. The people's split, distrust and the accumulated elements of rebellion to the collaborationist Arab regimes and leaders in the region was even a subject dealt by the imperialist forces in their evaluations. Eventually the wave of revolt erupted. Many political forces -from revolutionary and progressive forces with limited affect to Islamist forces, from liberals to Arab nationalists- have tried to influence the revolts that are of spontaneous character. But, in total, the desire for political and social freedoms by the working class and the oppressed gave its colour to the revolts despite lacking of organisation, leadership and ideological power supply.
The role of the working class was especially distinctive in the revolts. The working class in Tunisian revolution, who was at the forefront of the forces directing the revolt through trade unions and people's organisations, has played very important roles in conducting uncompromising and consistent struggle. While various political forces were ready to sit on a negotiation table with Mubarak, the class uphold the wave of rebellion by strikes. Even in a region such as the Middle East where the quality and quantity power of the class is relatively weak, the working class was able to come out as a social force and shown that it has got capability to do political leadership in the struggle for political freedoms and democracy and in resistance against capitalist destruction. This, undoubtedly, is an ideological victory that gives a blow to the scene which surrounded today by hopeless ideological approaches on the historical role of the working class. It is an organisational victory in the sense of developing the quality of the class because of its positioning both within trade unions and the people's organisations. Last but not least, it is also a political victory in terms of the revolts' direct political outcomes. The revolts have also clarified the role of urban cities in the revolutionary processes.
The working class and oppressed of the Middle East, who have been humiliated, despised and considered as barbaric by the western imperialist powers, have crushed under their feet all the imperialist plans on the region, particularly the US's Greater Middle East Project, during the revolts. In respect of collaborationist regimes, they have exposed the US imperialism's claim of "bringing freedom and democracy" which was shown as the pretext for the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. They have buried to the history the theses of "clash of civilisations" -one of the US's ideological offensive tools- and the theories attempting to explain even the existence of collaborationist fascistic dictatorships in the Middle East, who rule because of the imperialist support, with the backwardness and barbarism of the Middle Eastern people. This, however, is another ideological victory which gave strength and left important impacts on the people of the world.
Forms of people's organisations that came out significantly in Tunisia and also in Egypt are also didactic. The people's committees, which either itself or its silhouette has been seen frequently in Latin America's people's uprisings, has also arose in these revolts as Sovietic organisations and once more proven themselves as the nucleus form of future political power. The working class and oppressed of the Middle East have seen with their own experiences that they can make history and that their organised forces are able to bring down the ruling classes. The revolts, in this sense, have become a great school of democracy for the people of the Middle East regardless of their political outcomes.
Nevertheless the people have also proven via Tunisia that they will not accept the continuation of dictatorships with ostensible reforms. Tunisian people continued with their resistance even after the Bin Ali's escape from the country by not accepting the people known with their connection to Bin Ali. They put forefront the demand for constitutional reforms or new constitution. The spontaneous character of the revolt does not allow bringing on the agenda the alternative state types in new forms. But the demand for a "new constitution" is an important parameter which shows the tendency and desire to break with the system instead of breaking with this or that politician.
Although the wave of revolt that encircled the Middle East has surprised the world, it is definitely not without a history or tradition. In the last decade numerous workers' strikes and state massacres took place in Tunisia and Egypt, the central bases of the earthquake. Ten thousands of people took to the streets in these countries against occupation of Palestine and Iraq. And the situation was not different in countries such as Yemen, Morocco and Algeria. There developed serious struggles just before the 2005 elections in Egypt under the demand for political freedom. So much so that US had forced its collaborator Mubarak to do limited ostensible reforms for the sake of the despotic regime's stability.
The status of the political Islam -whose influence raised to peak following the US's occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq- is the other important side of the revolutionary process in the Middle East. In the final analyses, as the political flag of a class, of the bourgeois sections whose interests are in conflict with the US imperialism, the political Islam has played limited and stumpy anti-imperialist role in the resistance to the imperialist occupation. It has also driven the working class and oppressed; the poor sections of the society. The historical, political and cultural embodiment of the region was also accordingly for this. However, after all, as being a force within the system and a force unable to unite the struggle against imperialist occupation with the struggle against capitalist system, it was lacking of the skills to bring solutions to the problems of the working class and the oppressed. This process has also underlined the lessening political and ideological influence of the political Islam, although it played certain level of role in the revolts.
The fast spread of revolts, starting in Tunisia and encircling all other Middle Eastern countries and which has been mostly described as "domino effect" in bourgeoisie media, points out on what level the grounds for regional revolutions are developed. It therefore became very clear that it is important for progressive, revolutionary and communist forces to develop their partnership and coordination in the struggle, and to create alliances in different forms on regional basis.

 

 

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Revolutionary Processes in the Middle East
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The working class and oppressed of the Middle East have seen with their own experiences that they can make history and that their organised forces are able to bring down the ruling classes. The revolts, in this sense, have become a great school of democracy for the people of the Middle East regardless of their political outcomes.

 

01 March 2011 /International Bulletin / Issue 102

 

The wave of revolts has spread all over the Middle East following the people's rebellion that erupted in Tunisia and could not be subsided even with the 23 years of dictator Bin Ali's escape from the country. In Egypt, one of the most important political and cultural centres of Arab world, the dictator Mubarak has had to withdraw. The people's rebellion in Libya has slided into a civil war. In Bahrain, Yemen, Iran, South Kurdistan and Iraq, the strikes, revolts and street clashes are following each other. Industrial demonstrations and strikes are being taking place In Oman. Even in Saudi Arabia important mass movements led by students are taking place.
The masses of people in the Middle East have dropped the reins of a revolutionary process by taking the streets against the reactionary, repressive, fascistic regimes for freedom and democracy.
In accordance with the power relations in each countries and the region as a whole, and again the strength, organisation and persistency/consistency of the people's rebellion, this process is going to result in various forms such as the overthrow of dictatorships and appearances of bourgeois democratic forms; continuity of former dictatorships in different forms but widening sphere of political freedoms; important political reforms being put in practice; continuity of former regimes in new forms by limited concessions given to the people's movement through US and EU imperialists' intervention. But however its concrete political consequences happen in each countries and the region as a whole, there is no doubt the revolt already involves very important lessons and experiences.
The revolts are not being end up in dismantling of regimes and establishment of democratic popular regimes instead because of the weakness of revolutionary subject and the activeness of Islamist, bourgeois liberal and Arab nationalist forces. The change of power, establishment of new regimes by overthrow of the old social and political regimes did not happen yet in any of the examples. But the experiences are corresponding to a revolutionary situation and a revolutionary process that shakes the political systems in the Middle East.
The revolts reflected the accumulated reaction of the working class and oppressed against the hunger, poverty and unemployment, as well as their anger on the crimes committed by the US and other occupant imperialist forces against the people of Iraq and Palestine. However, it also became a process where the working class and the oppressed have associated themselves with the question of political freedoms in the countries, and where the fascistic dictatorships directly and massively considered as the centre of all these problems and therefore targeted. The people's split, distrust and the accumulated elements of rebellion to the collaborationist Arab regimes and leaders in the region was even a subject dealt by the imperialist forces in their evaluations. Eventually the wave of revolt erupted. Many political forces -from revolutionary and progressive forces with limited affect to Islamist forces, from liberals to Arab nationalists- have tried to influence the revolts that are of spontaneous character. But, in total, the desire for political and social freedoms by the working class and the oppressed gave its colour to the revolts despite lacking of organisation, leadership and ideological power supply.
The role of the working class was especially distinctive in the revolts. The working class in Tunisian revolution, who was at the forefront of the forces directing the revolt through trade unions and people's organisations, has played very important roles in conducting uncompromising and consistent struggle. While various political forces were ready to sit on a negotiation table with Mubarak, the class uphold the wave of rebellion by strikes. Even in a region such as the Middle East where the quality and quantity power of the class is relatively weak, the working class was able to come out as a social force and shown that it has got capability to do political leadership in the struggle for political freedoms and democracy and in resistance against capitalist destruction. This, undoubtedly, is an ideological victory that gives a blow to the scene which surrounded today by hopeless ideological approaches on the historical role of the working class. It is an organisational victory in the sense of developing the quality of the class because of its positioning both within trade unions and the people's organisations. Last but not least, it is also a political victory in terms of the revolts' direct political outcomes. The revolts have also clarified the role of urban cities in the revolutionary processes.
The working class and oppressed of the Middle East, who have been humiliated, despised and considered as barbaric by the western imperialist powers, have crushed under their feet all the imperialist plans on the region, particularly the US's Greater Middle East Project, during the revolts. In respect of collaborationist regimes, they have exposed the US imperialism's claim of "bringing freedom and democracy" which was shown as the pretext for the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. They have buried to the history the theses of "clash of civilisations" -one of the US's ideological offensive tools- and the theories attempting to explain even the existence of collaborationist fascistic dictatorships in the Middle East, who rule because of the imperialist support, with the backwardness and barbarism of the Middle Eastern people. This, however, is another ideological victory which gave strength and left important impacts on the people of the world.
Forms of people's organisations that came out significantly in Tunisia and also in Egypt are also didactic. The people's committees, which either itself or its silhouette has been seen frequently in Latin America's people's uprisings, has also arose in these revolts as Sovietic organisations and once more proven themselves as the nucleus form of future political power. The working class and oppressed of the Middle East have seen with their own experiences that they can make history and that their organised forces are able to bring down the ruling classes. The revolts, in this sense, have become a great school of democracy for the people of the Middle East regardless of their political outcomes.
Nevertheless the people have also proven via Tunisia that they will not accept the continuation of dictatorships with ostensible reforms. Tunisian people continued with their resistance even after the Bin Ali's escape from the country by not accepting the people known with their connection to Bin Ali. They put forefront the demand for constitutional reforms or new constitution. The spontaneous character of the revolt does not allow bringing on the agenda the alternative state types in new forms. But the demand for a "new constitution" is an important parameter which shows the tendency and desire to break with the system instead of breaking with this or that politician.
Although the wave of revolt that encircled the Middle East has surprised the world, it is definitely not without a history or tradition. In the last decade numerous workers' strikes and state massacres took place in Tunisia and Egypt, the central bases of the earthquake. Ten thousands of people took to the streets in these countries against occupation of Palestine and Iraq. And the situation was not different in countries such as Yemen, Morocco and Algeria. There developed serious struggles just before the 2005 elections in Egypt under the demand for political freedom. So much so that US had forced its collaborator Mubarak to do limited ostensible reforms for the sake of the despotic regime's stability.
The status of the political Islam -whose influence raised to peak following the US's occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq- is the other important side of the revolutionary process in the Middle East. In the final analyses, as the political flag of a class, of the bourgeois sections whose interests are in conflict with the US imperialism, the political Islam has played limited and stumpy anti-imperialist role in the resistance to the imperialist occupation. It has also driven the working class and oppressed; the poor sections of the society. The historical, political and cultural embodiment of the region was also accordingly for this. However, after all, as being a force within the system and a force unable to unite the struggle against imperialist occupation with the struggle against capitalist system, it was lacking of the skills to bring solutions to the problems of the working class and the oppressed. This process has also underlined the lessening political and ideological influence of the political Islam, although it played certain level of role in the revolts.
The fast spread of revolts, starting in Tunisia and encircling all other Middle Eastern countries and which has been mostly described as "domino effect" in bourgeoisie media, points out on what level the grounds for regional revolutions are developed. It therefore became very clear that it is important for progressive, revolutionary and communist forces to develop their partnership and coordination in the struggle, and to create alliances in different forms on regional basis.