Civil Disobedience actions in Kurdistan
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The wave of civil disobedience is also in interaction with the revolutionary processes that shook all the rocks very recently in the Middle East, with the freedom movement that symbolised with Egypt's Tahrir Square. The Kurdish people who has been conducting an uninterrupted freedom struggle for many years, sees the effects of the actions that toppled down decades-long dictators by the mass power and resistance of the Arab people.

 

 

01 April 2011 /International Bulletin / Issue 103

 

Following the end of unilateral ceasefire on 1st March 2011 which was continued by the PKK since August the last year, the March passed with the en masse demonstrations and actions of the Kurdish people.
Just after the Newroz celebrations that witnessed millions of Kurdish labourers filling the streets in Kurdistan, Turkey, Europe and different cities of the world -about a million in Amed, the capital city of Kurdistan- for free and democratic peace, and to cry out their national demands, the Kurdish people has started a process of "civil disobedience",
BDP Joint General Presidents Gulten Kisanak and Selahattin Demirtas, together with Democratic Society Congress Joint Presidents Aysel Tugluk and Ahmet Turk started the civil disobedience action through a press conference on 23rd March. They said the actions will continue with 4 urgent but in total 14 demands. The main demands of their actions has been formulated as: "Education in mother-tongue", "release of political prisoners", "End of political and military operations" and "abolishment of the 10% threshold in the elections".
The Kurdish people defended the actions en masse although their level was lower comparing to their mass participation in the Newroz celebrations. Thousands of Kurdish patriots run for their duties in the "Democratic Solution Tents" opened in İstanbul, İzmir, Mersin, Adana, Bursa, Batman, Mardin, Nusaybin, Derik, Kızıltepe, Hakkari, Yüksekova, Bulanık, Manisa-Turgutlu, Viranşehir, Bingöl, Van, Cizre, Şırnak, İdil, Silopi, Dersim and Amed. Whilst the tents turned into centres where people discussed about the road map of Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK and Kurdish national leader, remembered the martyrs of the Kurdish freedom struggle, watch films and organised meetings, the Turkish bourgeois state attacked to the tends particularly in Kurdish cities. The passive resistance has been continued with a great will-power and commitment in spite of attacks. Some changes occurred at the end of the month in the way the "civil disobedience" was organised in the democratic solution tends.
Last summer, the Kurdish national movement had announced that they have reached a level of dialogue with the colonialist fascist regime represented by the AKP government between A.Ocalan and state officials and therefore announced unilateral ceasefire; and on 1 March 2011 it had announced that it ended the ceasefire due to AKP government's insincerity towards the five urgent demands of the ceasefire process. The end of ceasefire aimed at creating a pressure on the AKP government to take consistent steps. The actions described as the civil disobedience should also be considered in this context.
In relation to Kurdish question, the AKP government has followed a tactic of diversion for 8 years. This tactic followed a line that regularly changed from giving people the hope, making announcements to put people in waiting and organising political and military lynching operations. AKP government's insincerity and insistence on dissolution was crystallised particularly after its "Kurdish opening" came to nothing last year. In its battle for power with other bourgeois cliques, the AKP government is neither in a position to implement fearless military operations by putting off the desire of the Kurdish movement, nor in a position to turn Turkish people's provoked chauvinist feelings into AKP vote by giving some concessions just before the elections which bear critical importance for it. Before determining comprehensive moves, the Kurdish national freedom forces under PKK leadership is also feeling a need to see where the process, particularly the process of dialogue with A. Ocalan that was announced by the AKP government, would go, and to observe the general elections in June while continuing to create pressure on the government.
At this point, the civil disobedience actions as declaration of political and social will by the Kurdish people are aiming to create a pressure on AKP government to take the dialogue process further by giving concessions such as house arrest for Ocalan and taking steps in relation to immediate democratic demands. Choosing the peaceful passive resistance path against all violent attacks of the state forces as an action type is connected not only with the aim of exposing that colonialist fascism is the one who wants war, but also with the political and programmatic line of the Kurdish national movement.
The wave of civil disobedience is also in interaction with the revolutionary processes that shook all the rocks very recently in the Middle East, with the freedom movement that symbolised with Egypt's Tahrir Square. The Kurdish people who has been conducting an uninterrupted freedom struggle for many years, sees the effects of the actions that toppled down decades-long dictators by the mass power and resistance of the Arab people. For the Kurdish freedom struggle, the process opened in the Middle East feeds the great hope and desires of Kurdish people and also brings possibilities and opportunities for the leadership of the Kurdish national movement to benefit from the conditions that appeared in the region. If developments in the Middle East combined with the correct tactics, the relations of power in the region can create changes in favour of just and democratic popular solution of the Kurdish question.
On the other hand, the elimination of the Turkish bourgeoisie state's insistence on annihilation, denial and dissolution is passing from developing a revolutionary action line that merges the uprisings in Kurdistan with the armed guerrilla resistance in the revolutionary people's war, and to break Turkish chauvinism that deep-rooted within the workers and labourers in the west. The Middle East revolts has shown strikingly the people of the region that people's will and action is the subject of the rooted political upheaval and changes, and left deep influence within the people of the region. These developments have also made clear that the solution of the Kurdish question is not the Turkish bourgeoisie state but the Turkish people, Turkish workers and labourers. By backing the wind of the revolts in Middle East, the united will and action of the Kurdish and Turkish people is the one that is going to dissolve annihilation and denial politics of the colonial fascist dictatorship.


 

 

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Civil Disobedience actions in Kurdistan
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The wave of civil disobedience is also in interaction with the revolutionary processes that shook all the rocks very recently in the Middle East, with the freedom movement that symbolised with Egypt's Tahrir Square. The Kurdish people who has been conducting an uninterrupted freedom struggle for many years, sees the effects of the actions that toppled down decades-long dictators by the mass power and resistance of the Arab people.

 

 

01 April 2011 /International Bulletin / Issue 103

 

Following the end of unilateral ceasefire on 1st March 2011 which was continued by the PKK since August the last year, the March passed with the en masse demonstrations and actions of the Kurdish people.
Just after the Newroz celebrations that witnessed millions of Kurdish labourers filling the streets in Kurdistan, Turkey, Europe and different cities of the world -about a million in Amed, the capital city of Kurdistan- for free and democratic peace, and to cry out their national demands, the Kurdish people has started a process of "civil disobedience",
BDP Joint General Presidents Gulten Kisanak and Selahattin Demirtas, together with Democratic Society Congress Joint Presidents Aysel Tugluk and Ahmet Turk started the civil disobedience action through a press conference on 23rd March. They said the actions will continue with 4 urgent but in total 14 demands. The main demands of their actions has been formulated as: "Education in mother-tongue", "release of political prisoners", "End of political and military operations" and "abolishment of the 10% threshold in the elections".
The Kurdish people defended the actions en masse although their level was lower comparing to their mass participation in the Newroz celebrations. Thousands of Kurdish patriots run for their duties in the "Democratic Solution Tents" opened in İstanbul, İzmir, Mersin, Adana, Bursa, Batman, Mardin, Nusaybin, Derik, Kızıltepe, Hakkari, Yüksekova, Bulanık, Manisa-Turgutlu, Viranşehir, Bingöl, Van, Cizre, Şırnak, İdil, Silopi, Dersim and Amed. Whilst the tents turned into centres where people discussed about the road map of Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK and Kurdish national leader, remembered the martyrs of the Kurdish freedom struggle, watch films and organised meetings, the Turkish bourgeois state attacked to the tends particularly in Kurdish cities. The passive resistance has been continued with a great will-power and commitment in spite of attacks. Some changes occurred at the end of the month in the way the "civil disobedience" was organised in the democratic solution tends.
Last summer, the Kurdish national movement had announced that they have reached a level of dialogue with the colonialist fascist regime represented by the AKP government between A.Ocalan and state officials and therefore announced unilateral ceasefire; and on 1 March 2011 it had announced that it ended the ceasefire due to AKP government's insincerity towards the five urgent demands of the ceasefire process. The end of ceasefire aimed at creating a pressure on the AKP government to take consistent steps. The actions described as the civil disobedience should also be considered in this context.
In relation to Kurdish question, the AKP government has followed a tactic of diversion for 8 years. This tactic followed a line that regularly changed from giving people the hope, making announcements to put people in waiting and organising political and military lynching operations. AKP government's insincerity and insistence on dissolution was crystallised particularly after its "Kurdish opening" came to nothing last year. In its battle for power with other bourgeois cliques, the AKP government is neither in a position to implement fearless military operations by putting off the desire of the Kurdish movement, nor in a position to turn Turkish people's provoked chauvinist feelings into AKP vote by giving some concessions just before the elections which bear critical importance for it. Before determining comprehensive moves, the Kurdish national freedom forces under PKK leadership is also feeling a need to see where the process, particularly the process of dialogue with A. Ocalan that was announced by the AKP government, would go, and to observe the general elections in June while continuing to create pressure on the government.
At this point, the civil disobedience actions as declaration of political and social will by the Kurdish people are aiming to create a pressure on AKP government to take the dialogue process further by giving concessions such as house arrest for Ocalan and taking steps in relation to immediate democratic demands. Choosing the peaceful passive resistance path against all violent attacks of the state forces as an action type is connected not only with the aim of exposing that colonialist fascism is the one who wants war, but also with the political and programmatic line of the Kurdish national movement.
The wave of civil disobedience is also in interaction with the revolutionary processes that shook all the rocks very recently in the Middle East, with the freedom movement that symbolised with Egypt's Tahrir Square. The Kurdish people who has been conducting an uninterrupted freedom struggle for many years, sees the effects of the actions that toppled down decades-long dictators by the mass power and resistance of the Arab people. For the Kurdish freedom struggle, the process opened in the Middle East feeds the great hope and desires of Kurdish people and also brings possibilities and opportunities for the leadership of the Kurdish national movement to benefit from the conditions that appeared in the region. If developments in the Middle East combined with the correct tactics, the relations of power in the region can create changes in favour of just and democratic popular solution of the Kurdish question.
On the other hand, the elimination of the Turkish bourgeoisie state's insistence on annihilation, denial and dissolution is passing from developing a revolutionary action line that merges the uprisings in Kurdistan with the armed guerrilla resistance in the revolutionary people's war, and to break Turkish chauvinism that deep-rooted within the workers and labourers in the west. The Middle East revolts has shown strikingly the people of the region that people's will and action is the subject of the rooted political upheaval and changes, and left deep influence within the people of the region. These developments have also made clear that the solution of the Kurdish question is not the Turkish bourgeoisie state but the Turkish people, Turkish workers and labourers. By backing the wind of the revolts in Middle East, the united will and action of the Kurdish and Turkish people is the one that is going to dissolve annihilation and denial politics of the colonial fascist dictatorship.