The evolution of UCPN(M) into social democracy in Nepal
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The steps taken in the last one year raised this political and ideological breakout and vacillations to the level of surrender. Handing over the keys of containers, returning the property expropriated during the People's War to the landowners, the BIPPA agreement signed with India and finally in November the signing of a 7-point agreement which means the absolute liquidation of the PLA are the expressions of this line of surrender.

 

01 February 2012 /International Bulletin /Issue 113

 

The People's War led by the Maoist revolutionaries in Nepal was a focus of resistance that strengthened all the revolutionary and communist forces of the world. This resistance that has put an end to the 240 year-old monarchy at the cost of thousands of martyrs and great sacrifices has yet come to sad end that requires to think on it and to draw lessons out of the process.
Departing from the idea that in Nepal, which is stuck in between China and India, the revolution would not be maintained or defended if it were advanced only on the base of the People's War even if it ends with victory, CPN(M) had found a way out of the situation on the basis of an alliance with the 7-party alliance of the bourgeoisie against the kingdom at its Congress in Rolpa in 2005. The Maoist revolutionaries had thus opened the way forward for the struggle through a risky manoeuvre of elections. By this way it had been possible to overthrow the monarchy. What was waiting for the Maoist revolutionaries now was the peace process which in many countries had exposed revolutionary forces to a difficult test after fighting for many years under the disadvantaged internal and international conditions.
However, for the UCPN(M), the peace process turned into a "corrosion corridor" of the bourgeois parties, the USA and the other imperialist forces and the Indian expansionism. UCPN(M) was not able to stand as a determining will here; on the contrary, it has been the Nepalese bourgeoisie and the imperialist and expansionist forces who were conducting the process and holding the initiative. The bargaining with the bourgeois parties continued in a prolonged way on the basis of the issues of Constitution and the unification of the armies. The decision of UCPN(M) on renouncing from or involving in the government and its presence and acts in the parliament were not taken as a tactic for growing the people's movement but on the contrary, the people's movement was taken as a reserve force used in consolidating the situation of UCPN(M) in the parliament and its involving in the government. With discussions blocking the process, the bourgeois parties and the imperialist and expansionist forces created important opportunities for increasing the revolutionary struggle and people's action, but these were not utilised. The bourgeois parties violated the agreements many times, but the UCPN(M) insisted on keeping up with these agreements which actually had turned to bring only disadvantages for it. It could not respond these processes by opening a field of legitimacy in the eyes of the people for turning back to armed struggle, and it could not even carry out the line of mass action that it had planned. It wasted a lot of time and energy in the parliamentary discussions. What determined this line was the fact that it was not mainly depending on the people any more. The fact that it was not able to bring any solutions for the basic necessities of the people despite its presence in the Constitutional Assembly and the periods of forming the government resulted in people losing their confidence in the party. This process caused an important meltdown in the ranks of the People's Liberation Army, too. At the international level, the UCPN(M) isolated itself more and more from the revolutionary forces, and from the Revolutionary International Movement (RIM) at the first place. On the contrary, it developed its relations with the revisionist and reformist forces on the party level on the one hand and with imperialist forces including the Indian expansionism and the US imperialism on the government level on the other hand.
The goal of destructing the old state apparatus, especially the army, through violence was completely missed and there appeared an absolute understanding of absorption of this apparatus by the PLA on the base of negotiations only, after it was directly taken over by the bourgeoisie from the hands of the monarchy. The Constitutional Assembly lost its "constitutional" character and turned into a permanent parliamentarian structure. Let away intervening in this situation, UCPN(M) became a part of this and step by step turned into an element of the parliamentarian system.
In a parallel way to this process, a bureaucratic way of functioning developed in the party and a middle-class lifestyle and thinking started to prevail among the cadres. The party did not call its Congress despite all opportunities. Thus the social democratic tendency gradually became the majority in the party.
The steps taken in the last one year raised this political and ideological breakout and vacillations to the level of surrender. Handing over the keys of containers, returning the property expropriated during the People's War to the landowners, the BIPPA agreement signed with India and finally in November the signing of a 7-point agreement which means the absolute liquidation of the PLA are the expressions of this line of surrender.
The opposition of Baidya-Badal represents an important resistance in the party against this line of surrender. However, the opposition, with its continuous vacillation and insisting on a solution on the base of reconciliation, weakens its own ground. At this point there are enormous problems that cannot be sacrificed for the aim of "party unity". The axis of Prachanda - Bhattarai has openly shifted to social democracy. By continuing to wait, the opposition does not get rid of being minority in the party but on the contrary this situation deepens further. The opposition will not be able to develop further without daring to put its differences in action instead of in negotiation with the social democratic line.
The Nepalese revolution is an important post of resistance for the peoples of the world and its achievements as well as the reasons of and lessons about how it came to this point should be learnt. The tactic of the imperialist forces of holding the centres of revolutionary resistance under military siege and in "corrosion corridor" achieves important success in some situations. So the revolutionary and communist forces should understand these experiences very well. And the urgent and actual duty of the international revolutionary and communist forces is to watch carefully and support every step for a revolutionary exit from this corrosion corridor.
 

 

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The evolution of UCPN(M) into social democracy in Nepal
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The steps taken in the last one year raised this political and ideological breakout and vacillations to the level of surrender. Handing over the keys of containers, returning the property expropriated during the People's War to the landowners, the BIPPA agreement signed with India and finally in November the signing of a 7-point agreement which means the absolute liquidation of the PLA are the expressions of this line of surrender.

 

01 February 2012 /International Bulletin /Issue 113

 

The People's War led by the Maoist revolutionaries in Nepal was a focus of resistance that strengthened all the revolutionary and communist forces of the world. This resistance that has put an end to the 240 year-old monarchy at the cost of thousands of martyrs and great sacrifices has yet come to sad end that requires to think on it and to draw lessons out of the process.
Departing from the idea that in Nepal, which is stuck in between China and India, the revolution would not be maintained or defended if it were advanced only on the base of the People's War even if it ends with victory, CPN(M) had found a way out of the situation on the basis of an alliance with the 7-party alliance of the bourgeoisie against the kingdom at its Congress in Rolpa in 2005. The Maoist revolutionaries had thus opened the way forward for the struggle through a risky manoeuvre of elections. By this way it had been possible to overthrow the monarchy. What was waiting for the Maoist revolutionaries now was the peace process which in many countries had exposed revolutionary forces to a difficult test after fighting for many years under the disadvantaged internal and international conditions.
However, for the UCPN(M), the peace process turned into a "corrosion corridor" of the bourgeois parties, the USA and the other imperialist forces and the Indian expansionism. UCPN(M) was not able to stand as a determining will here; on the contrary, it has been the Nepalese bourgeoisie and the imperialist and expansionist forces who were conducting the process and holding the initiative. The bargaining with the bourgeois parties continued in a prolonged way on the basis of the issues of Constitution and the unification of the armies. The decision of UCPN(M) on renouncing from or involving in the government and its presence and acts in the parliament were not taken as a tactic for growing the people's movement but on the contrary, the people's movement was taken as a reserve force used in consolidating the situation of UCPN(M) in the parliament and its involving in the government. With discussions blocking the process, the bourgeois parties and the imperialist and expansionist forces created important opportunities for increasing the revolutionary struggle and people's action, but these were not utilised. The bourgeois parties violated the agreements many times, but the UCPN(M) insisted on keeping up with these agreements which actually had turned to bring only disadvantages for it. It could not respond these processes by opening a field of legitimacy in the eyes of the people for turning back to armed struggle, and it could not even carry out the line of mass action that it had planned. It wasted a lot of time and energy in the parliamentary discussions. What determined this line was the fact that it was not mainly depending on the people any more. The fact that it was not able to bring any solutions for the basic necessities of the people despite its presence in the Constitutional Assembly and the periods of forming the government resulted in people losing their confidence in the party. This process caused an important meltdown in the ranks of the People's Liberation Army, too. At the international level, the UCPN(M) isolated itself more and more from the revolutionary forces, and from the Revolutionary International Movement (RIM) at the first place. On the contrary, it developed its relations with the revisionist and reformist forces on the party level on the one hand and with imperialist forces including the Indian expansionism and the US imperialism on the government level on the other hand.
The goal of destructing the old state apparatus, especially the army, through violence was completely missed and there appeared an absolute understanding of absorption of this apparatus by the PLA on the base of negotiations only, after it was directly taken over by the bourgeoisie from the hands of the monarchy. The Constitutional Assembly lost its "constitutional" character and turned into a permanent parliamentarian structure. Let away intervening in this situation, UCPN(M) became a part of this and step by step turned into an element of the parliamentarian system.
In a parallel way to this process, a bureaucratic way of functioning developed in the party and a middle-class lifestyle and thinking started to prevail among the cadres. The party did not call its Congress despite all opportunities. Thus the social democratic tendency gradually became the majority in the party.
The steps taken in the last one year raised this political and ideological breakout and vacillations to the level of surrender. Handing over the keys of containers, returning the property expropriated during the People's War to the landowners, the BIPPA agreement signed with India and finally in November the signing of a 7-point agreement which means the absolute liquidation of the PLA are the expressions of this line of surrender.
The opposition of Baidya-Badal represents an important resistance in the party against this line of surrender. However, the opposition, with its continuous vacillation and insisting on a solution on the base of reconciliation, weakens its own ground. At this point there are enormous problems that cannot be sacrificed for the aim of "party unity". The axis of Prachanda - Bhattarai has openly shifted to social democracy. By continuing to wait, the opposition does not get rid of being minority in the party but on the contrary this situation deepens further. The opposition will not be able to develop further without daring to put its differences in action instead of in negotiation with the social democratic line.
The Nepalese revolution is an important post of resistance for the peoples of the world and its achievements as well as the reasons of and lessons about how it came to this point should be learnt. The tactic of the imperialist forces of holding the centres of revolutionary resistance under military siege and in "corrosion corridor" achieves important success in some situations. So the revolutionary and communist forces should understand these experiences very well. And the urgent and actual duty of the international revolutionary and communist forces is to watch carefully and support every step for a revolutionary exit from this corrosion corridor.