People’s Movement and the State Crisis
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01 April 2014 / International Bulletin / Issue 138

 

The June uprising and Kurdish national freedom struggle continue to determine the internal political situation.

 

Counter-revolutionary front –in a chaotic fight for power- have tried to extinguish the struggle of our people through different tactics during sequential three election process. But the aforementioned two factors will continue to determine the direction of the political developments.  

 

June 2013 uprising have dealt heavy blow to AKP dictatorship. It has ruined Prime Minister Erdogan’s plan for transition to presidential system. It has put the power into crisis and gave way to intensification of fight for power within the counter-revolution. 

 

More importantly, it has resulted in mass militancy and the people in the West (Turkey) to regain self-trust in the struggle.

 

The Park Forums, as it is emphasised through “This is just a beginning, we will keep continue to fight” slogan, represented efforts to organise struggle in continues manner. They did not succeed in establishing stable and developed organisations. But they send message to organise to the masses which joined in the uprising. They also became the venues for anti-fascist parties and forces to have joined decisions on vanguard actions.   

 

After June, the university students’ actions and the actions of anti-fascist people in neighbourhoods have continued against AKP dictatorship, as well as the struggle of people of Antakya against Erdogan’s efforts to organise reactionary civil war in Syria. In this period, we have also witnessed to revival of workers’ resistances.

 

All these, at the same time, represented an effort to prepare and enflame new Junes.

 

During the funeral of Berkin Elvan on 12 March 2014, the peoples’ anger against AKP have also turned into a great mass action. (Berkin was shot during June uprising. After being in coma for 269 days, he lost his life on 11 March. He was 14 years old when he was shot and was a sympathiser of a revolutionary party.) More than one million people in Istanbul and hundreds of thousands in other places joined in the simultaneous actions. Some of the masses have again tried to regain Taksim square, but were stopped by violent police attacks.  

 

The Kurdish national democratic movement continues for the democratic peace struggle. It insists on transition to negotiation process and drawing up legal frames for it despite AKP dictatorship’s delaying policies. It wants to cultivate the process through big mass actions in Northern Kurdistan and de facto building of autonomy in the areas where it has gained local elections. Also in Rojava, it wants to develop the process by protecting national democratic revolution and building of people’s authorities through common and armed struggle with other peoples in the region. This effort has gained a great revolutionary success in Rojava. While fighting against pro-Al Caida fundamental Islamists, it also and in fact resists against AKP, who arms these groups against Rojava. The effort has also shown itself in the mass participation in 2014 Newroz celebration in the North. The 2014 Newroz is participated by one and a half million people in Amed, the capital city of Northern Kurdistan, and millions in other cities. The Kurdish national democratic movement has also participated in great numbers to the funeral of Berkin Elvan in Istanbul. This was very important.

 

In the near future, we have the struggle for May Day, in which people will try to recapture the Taksim square.

 

If we return back to a few months before, the dog fight within the state cliques was reached at peak through police-judiciary operations against children of AKP ministers and Prime Minister’s own son on 17 December 2013. The operation was organised by Islamic-capitalist Gulen congregation, which was partner of government. The congregation previously tried to put on trial the head of MIT (National Intelligence Organisation). In today’s conflict, the AKP government respondent by bonding judiciary to the government, liquidating Gulen forces in police and judiciary and opening investigation against their economic companies. The government threatens them also with prison. By letting free the Ergenoconist ex-military generals and civilians from prison, -those who were put in prison through their joint actions,- the AKP government tries to benefit from their partnership and nationalist rhetoric.

 

This conflict is, at the same time, a result of US and EU imperialists attempt to recalibrate capitalist Turkish oligarchy and Erdogan’s adventure for regional leadership in spite of their continuing collaboration.   

 

In the face of June uprising and pressure from Kurdish movement, the AKP is trying to remain standing by gaining mass support in elections, and thus turn it to means to fascist repression and continue to delay Kurdish people. It also wants to use it against rival counter-revolutionary forces those who want to change the power.

 

The other forces of counter-revolution try to gain result through success in the elections against Erdogan. But both forces are trying to extinguish and nibble the revolutionary self-trust which was gained by Turkish people during June uprising, by Kurdish people through 30 years of armed struggle and revolution in Rojava.  

 

In the 30 March local elections, the result gained by AKP through protecting its votes, will not be enough to destroy the self-trust created by the June uprising. Even the tactic (AKP must go, but it does not matter whoever comes) used by Kemalist and national front will not succeed too. Starting with 1 May, the struggle will continue and our people will continue to try to walk further through the path opened by Rojava revolution. 
 

 

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People’s Movement and the State Crisis
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01 April 2014 / International Bulletin / Issue 138

 

The June uprising and Kurdish national freedom struggle continue to determine the internal political situation.

 

Counter-revolutionary front –in a chaotic fight for power- have tried to extinguish the struggle of our people through different tactics during sequential three election process. But the aforementioned two factors will continue to determine the direction of the political developments.  

 

June 2013 uprising have dealt heavy blow to AKP dictatorship. It has ruined Prime Minister Erdogan’s plan for transition to presidential system. It has put the power into crisis and gave way to intensification of fight for power within the counter-revolution. 

 

More importantly, it has resulted in mass militancy and the people in the West (Turkey) to regain self-trust in the struggle.

 

The Park Forums, as it is emphasised through “This is just a beginning, we will keep continue to fight” slogan, represented efforts to organise struggle in continues manner. They did not succeed in establishing stable and developed organisations. But they send message to organise to the masses which joined in the uprising. They also became the venues for anti-fascist parties and forces to have joined decisions on vanguard actions.   

 

After June, the university students’ actions and the actions of anti-fascist people in neighbourhoods have continued against AKP dictatorship, as well as the struggle of people of Antakya against Erdogan’s efforts to organise reactionary civil war in Syria. In this period, we have also witnessed to revival of workers’ resistances.

 

All these, at the same time, represented an effort to prepare and enflame new Junes.

 

During the funeral of Berkin Elvan on 12 March 2014, the peoples’ anger against AKP have also turned into a great mass action. (Berkin was shot during June uprising. After being in coma for 269 days, he lost his life on 11 March. He was 14 years old when he was shot and was a sympathiser of a revolutionary party.) More than one million people in Istanbul and hundreds of thousands in other places joined in the simultaneous actions. Some of the masses have again tried to regain Taksim square, but were stopped by violent police attacks.  

 

The Kurdish national democratic movement continues for the democratic peace struggle. It insists on transition to negotiation process and drawing up legal frames for it despite AKP dictatorship’s delaying policies. It wants to cultivate the process through big mass actions in Northern Kurdistan and de facto building of autonomy in the areas where it has gained local elections. Also in Rojava, it wants to develop the process by protecting national democratic revolution and building of people’s authorities through common and armed struggle with other peoples in the region. This effort has gained a great revolutionary success in Rojava. While fighting against pro-Al Caida fundamental Islamists, it also and in fact resists against AKP, who arms these groups against Rojava. The effort has also shown itself in the mass participation in 2014 Newroz celebration in the North. The 2014 Newroz is participated by one and a half million people in Amed, the capital city of Northern Kurdistan, and millions in other cities. The Kurdish national democratic movement has also participated in great numbers to the funeral of Berkin Elvan in Istanbul. This was very important.

 

In the near future, we have the struggle for May Day, in which people will try to recapture the Taksim square.

 

If we return back to a few months before, the dog fight within the state cliques was reached at peak through police-judiciary operations against children of AKP ministers and Prime Minister’s own son on 17 December 2013. The operation was organised by Islamic-capitalist Gulen congregation, which was partner of government. The congregation previously tried to put on trial the head of MIT (National Intelligence Organisation). In today’s conflict, the AKP government respondent by bonding judiciary to the government, liquidating Gulen forces in police and judiciary and opening investigation against their economic companies. The government threatens them also with prison. By letting free the Ergenoconist ex-military generals and civilians from prison, -those who were put in prison through their joint actions,- the AKP government tries to benefit from their partnership and nationalist rhetoric.

 

This conflict is, at the same time, a result of US and EU imperialists attempt to recalibrate capitalist Turkish oligarchy and Erdogan’s adventure for regional leadership in spite of their continuing collaboration.   

 

In the face of June uprising and pressure from Kurdish movement, the AKP is trying to remain standing by gaining mass support in elections, and thus turn it to means to fascist repression and continue to delay Kurdish people. It also wants to use it against rival counter-revolutionary forces those who want to change the power.

 

The other forces of counter-revolution try to gain result through success in the elections against Erdogan. But both forces are trying to extinguish and nibble the revolutionary self-trust which was gained by Turkish people during June uprising, by Kurdish people through 30 years of armed struggle and revolution in Rojava.  

 

In the 30 March local elections, the result gained by AKP through protecting its votes, will not be enough to destroy the self-trust created by the June uprising. Even the tactic (AKP must go, but it does not matter whoever comes) used by Kemalist and national front will not succeed too. Starting with 1 May, the struggle will continue and our people will continue to try to walk further through the path opened by Rojava revolution.